— ~~ Ll, LC. C.dCdd, eeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 
ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA. 521 
suffixed to adjectives when they stand as the complement of verbs of incomplete 
predication, or of the verbum substantivum. Schematically they are as follows :— 
ha-’n-tei'tie, my house; ha-tci’tig, thy house ; 
ha-tcituge, his or her house ; ha-tei’tiQz't, our house 
ha-tei'tigd@p, your house ; ha-tci'tuQ?’ys, their house. 
It is interesting to notice that in the first and second persons singular the pro- 
nominal elements are prefixed, while in all the others they are suflixed. The 
common prefix /a- is ademonstrative particle, and signifies the presence of the thing 
possessed. It may be replaced by ¢la, which signifies the absence of the thing 
possessed (see under Pronouns). ‘hese particles are abbreviated forms of the 
demonstrative pronouns ‘this’ and ‘that.’ They have also the function of a definite 
article in N’tlaka’pamuQ in certain constructions. 
The object-noun presents some interesting features. Generally speaking, the 
object of a transitive verb follows the verb in an unmodified form, and is distinct 
from it; as, 
pui'cena tlum smztc, I killed a deer; 
kiiéta’ta smztc, cook the meat ; 
O’ita’ta tcz'téie, burn down the house; 
nika’ta ctizpum, cut the wood ; 
n’saua'ta tzatl, wash the dish. 
But sometimes the noun is verbalised, taking on regularly the inflexions of the 
transitive verb; as, 
pamata, make a fire; from spam, a fire ; 
n'tuktci’nta, shut the door; from n’tuktci’ntEn, a door. 
In other instances the object noun is incorporated into the verbal synthesis in a 
contracted modified form between the stem and the personal inflexion ; as, 
tct-kai'n-na, I struck him on the head, from tctta’na, I strike, and k‘u’mk:an, 
head ; tcit-ii’cena, I struck his face, from tcitta’na and sk’tlii’c, face; qo’ni-akst-kin, 
I have hurt my hand, from go’ni-kin, I am hurt, and Jakst, hand or finger; 
pau’-c-kin, my face is swollen, from pau’it, swollen, and sk’tlu'c, face, more. literally, 
I am swollen as to my face ; nik-qkr’n-kin, I cut my foot, from nikkin, I am cut, 
and 1a’kaqEn, foot or toe. 
It would appear that when the object affected by the verbal action is a person, or 
any part of a person’s body, such object is almost invariably incorporated with the 
verb, as in the examples given above. There seems, however, to be one striking 
exception to this rule. When the object happens to be the third person singular, no 
incorporation or modification of the object takes place, but the pronoun follows the 
verb as in English; as, 
Po'ista’na tcini’tl, I killed him or her ; 
Teuta’na teini’tl, I struck him or her; 
CEu'ksta’na tlEna, I know that person. 
Tn all other instances it would appear that the pronominal object is invariably 
incorporated into the verbal synthesis, and placed between the stem of the verb and 
the termina] inflexions ; as, 
Huz-tcz'-n, I love thee; 
Huz-té'i-c, he loves us; 
Huz-ti'gs-na, I love them. 
(For other examples see under Verbs.) 
The same principle holds good for the incorporated reflexive pronoun tcit ; as, 
Oi-tei't-kin, I burn myself; 
Quz-tcw't-kin, I love myself. 
It wiil be seen in the above incorporative nouns that their synthetic forms differ 
from their independent forms. This difference consists in the main in a cutting 
down of the independent form of the word, which is not infrequently a compound 
term. At times a different radical is used, but in such cases, I think, it will always 
be found to be a synonymous term, which has by chance taken the place of the 
common term, Much of the differentiation in the Salish dialects has been brought 
