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means which are necessary to highly skilled industries, providing it with ready 
carriage, organised markets, and credit. Such a system is only evolved slowly, 
and in its absence, or while it is weak, the struggle for success is necessarily 
severe. Under such circumstances the line of least resistance is obvious and 
the forces of individual action and of competition drive a new country 
into this direction. At this date it is fortunately necessary to deal only with 
the normal forces which bring about what has been called a complementary 
development in new countries. Still, it must be remembered that from time 
to time suggestions have been made which are, to say the least, reminiscent of 
the ideas underlying the old ‘colonial system,’ which sought by political 
measures to compel colonies to develop along these lines, that is, so far as the 
circumstances of the time in respect of locomotion and carriage allowed. 
The errors of the old ‘ colonial’ policy may seem evident to us, but if so, it 
is because they were emphasised in its disastrous consequences. 
When scientific colonisation came into debate, with the nineteenth century, 
there was no thought of attempting any revival of the system just alluded to. 
On the contrary, one of the first subjects to attract attention was the possible 
undesirability of too one-sided a development. This was looking at the matter 
from the point of view of the new country itself. To some writers greater 
variety of occupation appeared advantageous, and with this end in view schemes 
were propounded for the establishment of town-settlements and other forms of 
industrial development. 
Both old and new countries may be said to suffer under disadvantages in this 
respect, but the disadvantages point in different directions. The maintenance 
and extension of rural life is demanded in England. for instance, whereas in new 
lands the demand has been expressed for the encouragement of manufacture. 
Alike from the economic as from the more general point of view, the development 
side by side of activities so different in their direction, and so admirably fitted to 
supplement each other in their influence on national life, may seem desirable. 
In a community, as in an individual, many elements are required, and these, 
it may be contended, can be permanently secured only by a variety of occupations 
and interests. Though this is a matter for argument, here it is sufficient to 
observe that the question exists and that with it is raised the advisability or 
inadvisability of state action to prevent too great a concentration in one direc- 
tion and to foster other occupations which, however great their success may 
be when well established, have little or no chance of surmounting the difficulties 
attending them in the earlier stages. 
When we turn to industrial organisation and especially to the question of 
the relations of labour and capital, certain matters may be briefly mentioned 
and then dismissed. In some new countries foreign capitalistic interests pre- 
dominate and introduce difficulties partly economic and partly political in 
character. Again, the entry of low-grade labour and particularly of coloured 
labour creates the peculiar dangers which attend a rigid and especially a racial 
separation between different economic classes. Here again the problems are 
partly economic and partly political. But these, though undoubtedly grave 
matters, are somewhat special and by no means universal in new countries. 
It is more important, then, to consider how far the general problem of the 
relations between capital and labour is likely to be affected by the particular 
characteristics which have passed under review. 
A greater emphasis on the rights and claims of labour is only to be expected, 
and is due to various causes. Certain of these are particularly important. 
There is a smaller body of labour in a position of personal dependence, a factor 
greatly accentuated by the opportunities of change which present themselves. 
So there is a greater independence of attitude. Again, work and economic 
occupation play a very large part in the general life of the country. When 
such is the case, public attention, and so general interest, are attracted to the 
conditions and the remuneration of labour. This attitude should be carefully 
distinguished from that due to the human sympathies awakened by the spectacle 
of distress and misery. It shows itself less in attempts to alleviate personal 
suffering and more in the determination to secure for labour what is considered 
to be its rightful position. Justice rather than mercy is its characteristic. 
On the other side, there is no great mass of inherited traditions. It was 
