132 SECTIONAL ADDRESSES. 
Hampton and Tuskegee. Moreover, the State Courts, by their decisions as 
to Pullman cars, have lessened the rigour of the regulations which separated 
white from coloured passengers on the railways; and the Supreme Court 
of the United States, once regarded as unsympathetic to the Negro, has 
dismissed as unconstitutional some of the State laws that have been used 
to disfranchise him. Many circumstances favour the growth of more 
friendly feelings between the two races. 
Nevertheless, the general testimony of writers on the United States during 
the past twenty years is that the position has been, and is, going 
steadily from bad to worse. ‘ The two races,’ says Professor Hart.(1910), 
‘are drifting away from each other and race relations are not improving.’ 
A. H. Stone remarked in 1908 the increasing growth of race feeling 
among the Negroes. Lord Olivier in 1906 predicted that the policy 
which was and has been followed ‘ will doubtless in time bring about 
civil war.’ William Archer, comparing the conditions in 1910 with 
those at the Atlanta Conference when Booker Washington put forward 
his co-residence policy, declares ‘that the feeling between the races is 
worse.’ W. P. Livingstone, a writer with West Indian experience, wrote 
in 1911 (‘The Race Conflict,’ pp. 13, 31) that the negro question ‘remains, 
what it has been for a century, the darkest and most menacing cloud on 
the horizon of national life,’ and that ‘ the situation is described as being 
worse to-day than at any time since 1865.’ 
‘ Any competent observer,’ said Maurice Evans in 1915, ‘ must see in 
the South, as in South Africa, a gathering storm, which means ultimately 
not only industrial war, but industrial war plus racial conflict.’ 
The World War for a time appeared to improve the Negro position, 
owing to the labour shortage in the United States due to the stoppage of 
immigration from Europe and the urgent demand of the belligerents for 
munitions. But after peace the irritation of the Negroes at what they 
regarded as the systematic belittling of their war services and the friction 
due to increased contact in the cities led to serious race fights during 1919 at 
Washington, Chicago, Elaine, St. Louis, and Knoxville. These riots, 
with the determined defence offered by the Negroes, justify the insight 
of Livingstone’s warning—‘ So gigantic does the problem appear, so difficult 
of peaceful solution, that the nation is helpless in face of it. It has become 
so subtly connected and interwoven with all the organic texture of the 
national existence that the people, as a whole, are afraid to make it a 
living question, not knowing what might be the result. There is an uneasy 
consciousness of the truth of the Southern warning, that the forces of the 
revolution, unspent and terrible, are ready at any moment to break out 
under sufficient provocation.’ 
3(a) Racial Segregation in the United States—So alarming does the 
position appear that three drastic solutions have been proposed based on 
the separation of the Negro community by political disfranchisement, 
exile, or segregation. 
The first is the complete disfranchisement of the whole coloured 
population, including all with any appreciable proportion of Negro blood, 
and its tutelage under a special Board of guardians. The Negroes would 
have separate police and law courts, and separate schools in which the 
training would be mainly industrial. They would be wards of 
the State, and would elect representatives to their Board of protectors, 
