H.— ANTHROPOLOGY. 157 



have occurred more than once. But a primary mutation is only a first 

 step. As in the case of discovery-complexes and discovery-products, it is 

 necessary to consider each case on its merits, and endeavour to identify 

 all the links in the evolutionary chain, or at least to determine whether 

 there are few or many. 



The general case against identity or similarity by independent evolution 

 is, however, overwhelming, as is very widely admitted at the present day, 

 but to a large extent it is based on cumulative circumstantial evidence, 

 since there are grave difficulties in finding proofs that leave no loophole 

 for the defence. This is especially true in relation to the question of New 

 World origins. The American dread of Old World entanglements has 

 given rise to an anthropological Monroe doctrine, and there are many who 

 are prepared to postulate independent evolution in America on a scale 

 which might give pause to the most patriotic evolutionist. No agreement 

 on the general question can be reached whilst divergent views are held on 

 this particular issue, and although the actual proofs of diffusion across the 

 Pacific must come from other sources — or, as some think, have already 

 come- — I may be permitted to close this address with a brief contribution 

 to the discussion. 



America. 



The constituent elements of the material culture of the American 

 Indians reveal, as is well known, many correspondences with Old World 

 products of discovery and invention. Even in its highest grades, however, 

 the general level was never as high as that of Egypt and Mesopotamia 

 before 3000 B.C., and in many respects it was much lower. Taking a few 

 culture-traits in detail, we may note that there was cereal culture with 

 irrigation, but without the plough ; corn-grinding with the push-quern 

 but without the rotary quern ; pottery-making with the use of manu- 

 factured moulds, but without the wheel ; decoration with slips and 

 paints but no mineral glazes ; metal-working without iron. Considering 

 tools and weapons only, we find that in stone, copper, or bronze, most of 

 the important types of the Old World down to Chalcolithic times and 

 later, were represented, and that all the chief methods of hafting were 

 employed. But the hoe never became the plough ; the pestle and mortar 

 did not develop the mechanical devices found especially in Asia ; the free 

 bow and the sinew-backed bow were used, but not the highly-developed 

 composite bow or the crossbow ; the dagger never became the bronze 

 sword ; all the Asiatic methods of making the blow-tube were known, 

 with the exception of that of boring out a solid rod of hard wood ; the 

 sledge and the travois never ran on wheels. 



These are cases in which agreement with the Old World occurs up to a 

 point and then breaks down. There are, of course, many other corres- 

 pondences (and not in material culture alone) which are more or less 

 precise, and some of them are especially reminiscent of Eastern Asia. 

 The blow-tube has already been mentioned, but to this we may add cotton 

 cultivation, tie-dyeing, gauze-weaving, mosaic-work, tripod sujiports for 

 pottery, slat armour, and quipus. Some of these are not restricted in 

 their distribution in the Old World, and to them we may add plank-boats, 

 the loom, pan pipes, flageolets, steelyards and scales, and the cire perdue 

 process of casting bronze. 



Amongst those who believe in the independent development of 



