The Revolution in Russia 



311 



those who refused to sign the Viborg 

 protest, and their platform condemns their 

 former associates for their uncompromis- 

 ing opposition to the government and 

 their alHance with the revolutionists. 



Another new party is called the "Pro- 

 gressive Reformers," but its platform 

 differs little from that of the Octoberists. 

 It advocates a form of government simi- 

 lar to that of Germany, with a ministry 

 responsible to the sovereign, but in har- 

 mony with the parliament. Mr Stolypin 

 is a member of the Octoberist party and a 

 sincere believer in parliamentary govern- 

 ment, but has never declared himself on 

 the question of ministerial responsibility. 



the; government's attej^pt to elect a 

 second douma which it could 



CONTROL 



The first douma was elected by prac- 

 tically universal suffrage. Almost every 

 man in Russia twenty-four years of age 

 and older was able to participate, which 

 was a mistake, because the illiterate and 

 ignorant millions by the volume of their 

 votes controlled the result. This time 

 Stolypin is determined to get a practical 

 and reasonable douma, and in order to do 

 so is using arbitrary measures. He is 

 fighting fire with fire and force with 

 force. He is disfranchising the revolu- 

 tionary forces wherever he has an excuse. 

 This is not done directly, but by the Sen- 

 ate, which corresponds to the Supreme 

 Court of the United States and whose 

 duty is to interpret the laws. He has 

 stated frankly that if he does not succeed 

 in getting a douma that will cooperate 

 with him in the reorganization of the 

 government and the reforms he is now 

 carrying out, it will be dissolved and 

 another election will be ordered with still 

 greater restrictions. 



Stolypin has instructed all provincial 

 officials to use their best efforts in sup- 

 port of the Octoberist candidates, and in 

 districts where they have no chance, to 

 help the "Peaceful Regenerationists" or 

 other conservatives. The result depends 

 upon the votes of the peasants, who h^ve 

 always been loyal to "The Little Father," 



as they affectionately call the Czar. At 

 the previous election they were controlled 

 by socialistic agitators, itinerant apostles 

 of anarchy and violence, most of whom 

 were non-residents and were elected to 

 the douma because they promised to ac- 

 complish all sorts of impossible reforms. 

 Stolypin is trying to eliminate such lead- 

 ers from the campaign and to keep pro- 

 fessional agitators like Alladin out of 

 parliament. To do this the Senate has 

 construed the election law so that only 

 persons with fixed homes can vote or be 

 voted for, and non-residents are pro- 

 hibited from taking part in the campaign. 



This disfranchises several hundred 

 thousand workmen who participated in 

 the last election because they have mi- 

 grated from the country to the manufac- 

 turing centers. The Senate has also de- 

 barred 278,000 employees of the govern- 

 ment railways, postal service, and work- 

 men in the government shops, including 

 the most skilled and highest-paid labor 

 in Russia, such as locomotive engineers, 

 stationary engineers, machinists, and 

 draftsmen. The reason, frankly given, is 

 that these classes of workmen are too 

 easily influenced by agitators. It is a 

 wonder that the order was not followed 

 by strikes. 



Another edict, issued November 11, 

 forbids officers and soldiers of whatever 

 rank to join political parties, or to at- 

 tend political meetings or to discuss po- 

 litical questions, and disfranchises every 

 man in the military service. 



Civil employees of the government 

 who join or assist either of the revolu- 

 tionary parties forfeit their positions and 

 all claims to pensions. This includes 

 school-teachers and university professors, 

 nearly all of whom belong to the liberal 

 or revolutionary parties. 



The students in the universities are de- 

 barred because they are all revolutionists. 

 A recent canvass of the University of 

 Odessa illustrates the political sentiments 

 of the students : 



Social Democrats m 



Social Revolutionists 712 



Octoberists 3I7 



Constitutional Democrats 167 



