THE NEWSPAPER. 



[1844. 



5^5TWn the slates, .blame 



in 



D * l fth* principle of indcpeDcience, wiucu ««» 

 ST. *#o**C oat l^kinedom He moved for the correspond- 

 SiSTof Greece as »^ n f^ Eng i an d, France, and Russia 

 STor extracts from it, be ^ ee R p * KI , sa id that France and 

 •gkfto t^/J^rmore'thanto endeavour to secure 

 ESS tad doD ?»ln based on such a popular representa- 

 mfi^*^?n&sto&Sb the stability of a constitu- 

 tfre system as was cons, «« teri int0 details on a subject 



--. ^arcuy. «^r of negotiation; but he was willing to 

 »« stnl » »*" e r n °V SU ch portions of the correspondence 

 t to the prodjeuon 01 *• progress.-Lord 



iTwcld not 1™g*L%$y wfth sir R. Peel, and hoped that 

 PAUUggg "^ the correspondence about ^o^e produced 



tion » r0I » "'"Alp it had been said that Greece was 



"""* M,,r Sentoti e Government, but that was always the 



flf V«7&t?wd the best way to settle the dispute was 



un^ut (f **'? r . ftl ,.,„mpnt as soon as a people de- 



1101 » 



WT1IW ^nresentative Government as soon as a peopie ue- 

 lo concede repres «»" TC d of Greece had been guaranteed 



suded It T h f w * D rs dei bSt one of the articles of the new Greek 

 25£2to? un Jer ^discussion in the Greek Assembly, was that 

 W"** 011 n ' , ' .the Greek throne should be a member of the 

 ^'T KowS next brother of Otho was a Roman 

 S^.STnd therefore th?s part of the subject required the 

 2£*2 of thos who had guaranteed the independence of 

 SS^if ^ey did not wish to sec it fall into the arms of Russia. 

 llTSli a compliment to the sagacity of the ate Govern, 

 1 F7H .nnnintine so able and industrious a diplomatist as 

 ST E d»«n5 L yorfs.-Sir II. Douolas said that the late 

 SlniniiAn in his view, was a military movement, and he 



Scn^e i many ol the observations of Lord Palmerston. 

 coocurred in man^ ^^ ^ ^ ^ desirable that the 



Church 'of Greece should be entirely independent ; but he 

 Sid not think it was convenient that the House should dis- 

 cttts the detail* of the Greek constitution at a moment when 

 ther were already under deliberation by the constituted authori- 

 ties in that country. He could not agree with the noble Lord in 

 hit sweeping proposition, that in any country whatever, even 

 China or Japan, it was only necessary to introduce free institu- 

 tions in order to fit the people for their enjoyment. He thought 

 this was a proposition which, coming from the authority which it 

 did, should not be tacitly assented to by the House. With respect 

 to the appointment of Sir E. Lyons, he thought, looking at the 

 conduct of that gallant officer, that no appointment had ever 

 teen made by the noble Lord which was so wholly unobjection- 

 able as that one. In his opinion, Sir E. Lyons was entitled to 

 represent England and its interests, not only on account of the 

 diplomatic abilities which he had displayed, but from his having 

 throughout united the high character of an English gentleman 

 with that of an eminent officer. The noble Lord had said that 

 Greece was entitled to claim a constitution. More than that, the 

 King himself had ten years ago promised to give a constitution, 

 and it was by virtue of that pledge he continued to govern 

 that fine and glorious country. Yet he believed that a grosser 

 system of tyranny had been exercised in that country during 

 those ten years, than in any other country in Europe for 

 a century. He would not stop to inquire whether what had 

 happened on the 15th September was worthy of the name 

 of a revolution; but it was of such a nature as to recom- 

 mend anything even bearing that name to him. He should not 

 ro along with his gallant friend in saying that it was merely a 

 military movement. He believed the revolution was prepared 

 by the scarcely endurable despotism of the King, aud that the 

 •o-d'ers shared, but did not lead the feeling of the country.— Sir 

 R. Picel joined in the tribute paid to Sir E. Lyons.— After some 

 further discussion, Mr. Cochrane, in reply, said that the article 

 relating to the succession to the Greek throne had been already 

 settled by the National Assembly. The motion for the production 

 of extracts from the correspondenca was then agreed to.— Mr. 

 Muxes then called the attention of the House to the present 

 Kate of criminal jurisdiction over British subjects within the 

 jonamnns of the Porte. He complained of the defects in the 

 !♦? !m n Jansdlcli °n ^11 with reference to the Levant, and pressed 

 lin»J 1Cn -i I 'Iu nt 0n the cons »deration of the Government.— Mr. 

 {h«««k; ♦ that , the Government were collecting information on 

 »nd ?ir » u a . view t0 a revision of the law.-Dr. Bowiung 

 lattPi 1 J L J0ined ia the discussion of the subject-the 

 Lii ri«fr Pre f at u ? the present state cf the law, and professing 

 luriinrnifn- V DS ?, more withm the Principles of British 

 thS2SJ?^-.iI ^ h,ch the Government were addressing 

 STOv^oinL ? a J ,ew t0 "medial measures.— Lord Palmer- 



his co^tlo n ^ at th P r m P ° rtanCe ° f the SubjeCt ' and "Passed 

 —Mr Mm v.. ,' a J. th J e Government were pursuing a right course. 



remarks fr«™ ?» ; and the motion, after a few additional 



the effect tw h ,,- ne upon the House to adopt a resolution to 

 brought iiifn IL» g was immoral in its tendency, that it 



the S S? U i e laws of the «"«*r. was contrary to 

 history oi d«n ' and ou & ht to be abolished. He traced the 

 into the Artir ilJ S I Rested that the rules recently introduced 

 ▼snts of her \r • 1 ar snould be extended to all the civil ser- 

 fespsct than h!l est >:?. wno were much more pugnacious in this 

 * » dud tlmni i m,lltar y servants; likewise that the survivor 

 and be liabli SI- made to P av the deb ts of the deceased, 

 alaothatdnellinic? 11 ^ l l on in dam ages by the next of kin ; 

 punishable as «n?u ?, £ e dccla red manslaughter, and made 

 Panitory to hSS* • Turner said he made his motion pre- 



Uought two "ea?s" e - * BHl ° a tW * suk J ect -— Mr - Ewart 



differences for whini; ♦» ' ln order to adjudicate upon all those 

 Persons who fo«. 5H , H ractice wa *the general solution. Most 

 *ere maialy aXhi,i t , dld SO with regret or aversion, and 

 £»l do,S ted i a v I J ? £ ar ° f the ridicu,e of society.-Sir R. 

 He feared that n „i„ e , sislat,0a on duelling: would be efficacious. 



*o«ld rawer enrmiro ^ pt to deal with il in ,he wav Proposed 

 ? 4bJ i«hraentof a o a E ^f^ an cnd to the Practice. As to the 

 ^ would be practfcable Th^ lVa ^f ° r Honour ' he did not think 

 ^ oa ^numberinTamnn JS. aCt that 38 ° P ers0QS of the highest 

 COa >hioc(i for t "5 a fflhein many Generals and Admhals.had 

 ? aeli ing, wouM L o ° Se of dis countenancing the practice of 

 ±* WnsTs uoffenJ *T'Z J ffcctaal discouragement than any 

 h Sse ge* lernen m S ° dl ^ cult to deal with. The declaration 

 ehanenge, w" mTrp.fv a , 1 l hey wlU neither send nor accept a 

 ^"atioo in weTihhW Iy r t0producean effect on society and an 

 S2*ieration wh Si Sd f 61 ! 06 - than any le ff is ^tion. It was this 

 ' 0r ^ard any |," n ' d restrained the Governmentfrom bringing- 



J^rous of prcTeSSn 5 ,l . b J ect - while they were by no means 

 J»yineisurewhiAim^ a v,; a u randdis P assionate consideration of 

 **"* Lord R. GRn«^r5l; x e « lntr °duced.— After a discussion, in 



I2* B * Withdrew h ' mnn' atld ? irT ' D - Aclam, took part, Mr. 

 S^ of the ?S t?Xl >n.-Mr. EwniNStON morcil a Com- 

 i?. e vi «w f .mnoslni »k G lnto cons «deration certain Acts, with 

 ^Jtt as i5 iHta ntauI/El atUount of P robate duty on real 



*V *> con^iderini S**" imp ° aea ° n pcrsonal pr ° perty ' 



* t ln ail cas« on thi.T!i he , ex P Caitnc y of imposing a probate 



i^Jt propert^berea'tJoVn? 1 " S** ** tr " st Whether the 

 JJ* Proposed r.robati •»»*« Y> '' l0 order to substl t«te 



S Whi ^noi presl 22 R rcal cstate ^r some of those 

 ytbe peo-jle.^ThTiJSSf heavily on the protective industry 

 f„? otof the form! Lo? th« BI1 * haVi " e cx P r «sed considerable 

 ia £.tion of bein^ bronrS fo?wi l °H n ' " ™ withdrawn, with the 



F "%.-On the «o^ ; forward on a future dav. 

 2£f2«» RaUwav BUI m"; 1 J ead i«g of the South 'Eastern and 



** U *t day SU' months hur ^ moved that il ^ r «ad a second 



months, but after so ne discussion the amend- 



ment was withdrawn, and the second reading carried. The 

 Three-and-a-half per Cents. Bis were read a third time and 

 passed. After some conversation about the alleged exclusion of 

 Catholics from Juries at the Monaghan Assizes which Lord Eliot 

 declared was not on account of their religion, Sir J. Graham, in 

 reply to Lord J. Russell, said that he would next week fix a day 

 for bringing in his bill for the extension of the county franchise 

 in Ireland. 





CITY. 



Friday. — The public securities are firm, and Consols 

 were last done at 98£. No price has been marked for the 

 New Three-and-a-Half per Cents., and the reduction of 

 the rate of interest is virtually carried without producing 

 any commotion in the Money Market. Exchequer Bills 

 are 72 prem. 



GAZETTE OF THE WEEK— BANKRUPTS— J. Scholefibi.d, 39, 

 Cheapside, City, cutler— W.Smith, late of 6, King-street, St. Gilea'i, but 

 now of 399, Strand, printer— T. Adams, of Newport, Isle of Wight, publican— 

 C. Eickb, late of Kotherhithe, Surrey, and of Park -street, Westminster, iron 

 rivet manufacturer — A- Spark*, 28, Jewin-crescent, Jewin -street, City, wine- 

 merchant— W. Pott, of Macclep field, Cheshire, silk throwster— T. JVIutar, 

 of Liverpool, hosier — R. Ai.sop,of Manchester, grocer — K. Chowder, of West 

 Aucklaud, Durham, iron-founder— W. Smith, of Nottingham, sm&l'.wareman 

 — G. Wood, of Ingram, Northumberland, banker— G. Limbbrt, of Borough- 

 bridge. Yorkshire, ihopkeeper— C A- Storey, ?of Leeds, corn -merchant— J. 

 Bell, Norwich, s*rgeon— C. Saviix, Romford, Essex, grocer and cheese- 

 monger — T. E. Lubbock, Butcher-hall-lane,' Newgate-street, victualler— 

 J- Foakks, Mitcham, Surrey, market-gardener— J. R. Jones, Newbridge, 

 Monmouthshire, grocer— A. Dakeynh, Bolton-le-Moors, Lancashire, small- 

 waredealer— J. Walkikgton, Chapeltown, Leeds, joiner — J. Wade, Birming- 

 ham, paper-maker— G. Carruthers, Coventry, draper- 



iWetropofte aittt it% Ffcfttftg, 



Dinner to Mr. O'Connell. — On Tuesday evening a 

 public dinner was given to Mr. O'Connell in Covent 

 Garden Theatre. About 1200 persons sat down to dinner, 

 the tables being arranged in such a manner as to accom- 

 modate the greatest possible number of guests. Mr. T. 

 S. Duncombe, M.P./took the chair, supported on his right 

 by Mr. O'Connell, and on his left by the Earl of Shrews- 

 bury, and the Hon. C. Langdale. Lord Camoys and 

 Lord Dunboyne were also present, with the following 

 Members of Parliament : — Hon. F. H. Berkeley, Sir J. 

 Easthope, Sir R. W. Bulkeley, Messrs. Collins, Serjeant 

 Murphy, Ross,Tancred, Metcalfe, M. J. O'Connell, Craw- 

 ford, Wynn Ellis, Blake, Gisborne, Hindley, Pattison, 

 Roche, Williams, Blake, Dennistoun, Eiphinstone, Hol- 

 land, Scholefield, Butler, Sir V. Blake, Somers, and Bow- 

 ring. Senor Olozaga, the exiled Minister of Spain, 

 was also present. Previous to dinner the Very Rev. 

 Dr. Magee, chaplain to Mr. O'Connell, said grace. 

 The chairman in proposing Mr. O'Connell's health re- 

 ferred to the state of Ireland, and declared that if Govern- 

 ment imprisoned that gentleman, the petitions of millions 

 of the people would proclaim his liberation from within the 

 very walls of Parliament itself. The whole company here 

 rose, and from the point where the chairman sat to the 

 oppusitc side of the house, and the very top rtt the gallery 

 there was one moving and hurraing mass of human beings. 

 The ladies in the boxes all rose and waved their handker- 

 chiefs, whilst the shouts of the men seemed as though its 

 reverberations were never to cease. At length something 

 like silence was obtained, and Mr. O'Connell rose and 

 said—" I protest that in my long and varied life I never 

 was so embarrassed as I am at this moment— in 

 truth I am not ashamed to say, I am almost unmanned— 

 my feelings are overpowered. The dungeon has 

 no terrors to my mind — and if to it were added the 

 scaffold and the rack, they could not appal me after 

 the awful magnitude of the compliment you have 

 paid to me. The accusation which has been made against 

 me, and upon which I have been convicted, is of such an 

 enormous nature, that it is interesting to every human 

 being, whether he be himself liable to a similar machina- 

 tion or not, to understand distinctly its bearings, its form, 

 and its breadth. It is not a crime denned by the law, or 

 definite— it is not a crime respecting the evideuce of which 

 there is any possible resort to law-books, or to the conju- 

 rations of men of my trade. It is called, to be sure, a 

 conspiracy; but there is nothing of private agreement — 

 there is nothing of arrangement— there is nothing of plot 

 or plan in it— it is something that the Judges imagine 

 when they dream, and make the public suffer when they 

 are awake. The conspiracy which has been tried in Ire- 

 land, is the Frankenstein of the law. As the one is un- 

 couth of limb, unshapen in form, undefined and indefinite 

 in nature, having nothing of humanity about it— so the 

 other has nothing of law but its monstrosity. How was 

 it endeavoured to be supported ? By the history of nine 

 months. What plot did it disclose? Why, a plot which 

 was carefully committed to those keepers of secrets, the 

 public newspapers. Not one witness was produced to 

 prove any fact, except that A and B were the proprietors 

 of newspapers, and that they were members of the 

 association, and then the newspapers were read in detail 

 against us, and the Judges determined that that was evi- 

 dence of a conspiracy ; and here I stand before you a 

 " convicted conspirator.' 7 The history of nine months 

 was given in this satisfactory manner. The chronology 

 and dates of newspapers were all that varied from one 

 week to another. The history of only one great meeting 

 was detailed as it had appeared in the public prints. Was 

 it alleged that any one of them was illegal— that there was 

 force, or violence, or turbulence, or tumult at any of them ? 

 Not a particle of any such allegation could be made. \V as 

 it alleged that the magistracy of the country or the civil 

 power of the country, or the idle or the timid, were inti- 

 midated or frightened at any one of these meetings? 

 There was not a single allegation of the kind. The meet- 

 ings were peaceable — they were legal — every one of them 

 was admitted to be legal— but, by the dexterity of legal 

 magic, though the 41 were perfectly legal, yet the whole, 

 taken together, formed a conspiracy. It is literally a 

 mockery to say that 41 legal meetings made one illegal one. 

 Forty-one cyphers would not make a sura, and yet the law 

 was so decided in our case that 40 nothings made some- 

 thing. Was it not to be looked on with scorn and indig- 



nation, and were not those men who planned this con- 

 spiracy, with trickery worthy of Old Bailey practitioners, 

 themselves conspirators, and ought they not to be branded 

 with infamy ? What was called law to-day might be force* 

 into a precedent to-morrow ; and if the question be 

 allowed to repose, there is not one of you whose case it 

 might not be to-morrow. My next impeachment is the 

 omission of the names in the Jury list. Out of 710 names, 

 63 slipped by accident ! We had a lot of them, and out 

 of the entire number of names, C3 were absent. It was 

 said to be an accident, but out of the 63 names that 

 were omitted, 27 of them were Roman Catholics. 

 We challenged the array, as it is called, on account of the 

 sixty-three names. We alleged that those names were 

 fraudulently taken from the list. We alleged that it wag 

 done to the detriment of the traversers. That plea was 

 put on the record ; the Attorney-General had power to 

 join issue on that allegation, and say that it was not in 

 fraud. That issue would have been tried by triers duly 

 sworn. The Attorney-General declined that issue. He 

 left the allegation to stand uncontradicted, and it stands 

 uncontradicted to this day. He relied on this, that he 

 had Judges who would tell him, as they told us, that as 

 we did not know who had committed the fraud, we were 

 without remedy. It is literally true. I am here talking 

 to the common sense of Englishmen — their sense of 

 honesty, and above all things to that noble adhesion to 

 fair play, which is the highest and most dignified trait in 

 the English character. There remains one impeachment 

 more of these proceedings, and that is my impeachment 

 of the Jury sworn. In point of law, Catholics and 

 Protestants had an equal right to be upon that Jury. In 

 point of justice, it ought to be so. In fair play it would 

 be so. Yet what was the first step ? Eleven Catholics, 

 who were on the reduced list, were struck off by the 

 Attorney- General. They say that they were Repealers. 

 In the first place, that was not true. That is one answer 

 to it. In the next place, if it had been true, it is no reply* 

 because though to be a Repealer may be a great folly, it is 

 not a crime. It is not a crime that makes a man an out- 

 law, and if they say that Repealers would have been 

 favourable jurors to me, I ask whether the most violent 

 Anti- Repealers— men who voted against me three or four 

 times over — could form a fair and impartial Jury against 

 me ? I use their own argument ; I convict them out of 

 their own mouths. I appeal to the common sense of 

 Englishmen to sav, if Repealers would have been favour- 

 able to me, would not Auti-Repealers be favourable to 

 others ? But, recollect, it was more important to have 

 an impartial Jury on this trial, as the crime was not a 



definite one. Had it been murder, or robbery, or forgery, 



any human intellect could have judged of the nature of the 

 crime, and would only have had to decide on the question 

 of fact ; but here the crime was imaginary— one, par- 

 taking more of identity than of reality— one, which em- 

 phatically required a thoroughly impartial as well as intel- 

 ligent Jury. From that Jury one Protestant was struck 

 off— an intelligent individual— one of a higher order of 

 intellect than the others ; that intelligent Protestant was 

 sent to keep company with the eleven Catholics— and 

 they call that a fair trial. I call that a persecution rather 

 than a prosecution. It was not a fair trial — it was shift- 

 ing, scheming management. I say I am not convicted by 

 due course of law, and in prison I shall feel that I am a 

 victim— and in that prison I shall have the feeling at 

 heart that will raise me superior to the punishment. Why, 

 I have plenty here to open my prison doors, but it would 

 be very idle to suppose that I am not thoroughly pre- 

 pared for an event of that kind. But whatever I may 

 suffer for my country, I shall rejoice in my suffering. 

 Whatever may be the inflictions which I may have to 

 undergo, I shall bear them cheerfully for the sake of my 

 country. 1 denounce the whole of the proceedings against 

 me, and my words will not be confined to these walls. 

 Wherever the English language is spoken— and the sun 

 never sets upon the countries in which that language is spoken 

 —wherever the accents of the English tongue are heard, 

 will these my words be borne upon the wings of the press 

 —and throughout America, France, India, throughout 

 every country in the world, will this my protest go forth 

 against that which I denounce as a dishonest persecution, 

 and my contemptuous defiance of those who have con- 

 ducted it." Mr. O'Connell then passed to the subject 

 of Repeal, declaring that he wanted only an Irish Parlia- 

 ment for local purposes, and that he desired a more inti- 

 mate and sounder union rather than separation. He 

 adduced statistical details to prove the failure of the Reform 

 Bill and the wretchedness of the Irish people. He advo- 

 cated the ballot, an extension of the suffrage, and short 

 Parliaments, and concluded by saying— " I have never 

 shrunk from standing by you in any contest— I have 

 always been at your side— I have never given a vote that 

 was calculated to increase the burdens of the English 

 people. But I have invariably supported every measure 

 that was calculated to increase the extension of civil and 

 religious liberty. I have advocated the cause of the slave 

 in America, as well as the peasant in Ireland. I 

 care not what their creed, or by what sun their face 

 may have been burned. I care not what is a man s 

 caste or what his language, if I can but provide for 

 him liberty from all tyranny. I solemnly assure you 

 that if I was not thoroughly convinced that the esta- 

 blishment of a domestic legislature was essential to the 

 CDmfort of Ireland, and that it was necessary to keep up 



separated from tins country , «« - , ,, h _ 



lent a measure it is necessary that something should be 

 done to give to Ireland what England has-a local le is 

 lature. Newfoundland, Birbadoes, Jamaica, and all the 



