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other than what are called the nationals 
of the two parties. There is some ques- 
tion as to how these men are to be se- 
lected; there have been those who inti- 
mated a doubt as to whether it was wise 
to permit the selection to be left to the 
President. I think that is not a very 
important question. I am entirely will- 
ing to have the men confirmed by the 
Senate, or to have them selected by the 
Senate, if that be necessary. ‘That, I 
think, can be easily changed or made so 
as to suit everybody. Whether it be by 
the President or by the President and the 
Senate, I have no doubt but that three 
suitable persons would be selected. Now 
this joint high commission is to perform, 
under the second clause, two functions. 
The first function is to take up every 
difference, whether it be justiciable or 
not, to investigate and to make recom- 
mendations for its solution without arbi- 
tration; in other words, it is a means of 
avoiding, not only war, but arbitration. 
The Senate committee, or a majority 
of them, have found in that second and 
third clause rather a stirrer-up of war 
than a clause which avoids war. I con- 
fess myself unable to follow their rea- 
soning. The clause provides that the 
commission shall first investigate and 
finally recommend; shall give hearing and 
be an adviser to both nations; and it pro- 
vides that if either nation require it, the 
final advice shall not be given for a year. 
I regard that as one of the most admira- 
ble clauses in the treaty, for the reason 
that it postpones the effect of the mo- 
mentary passion of the people of either 
country, so that they have a chance to 
cool off; they have a year to think over 
the question whether they wish to pre- 
cipitate their country into the sufferings 
of war. ‘There is nothing that helps the 
solution of difficulties arising from anger 
so much as time. 
I do not know but that I may be en- 
tering upon a confession when [| put an 
illustration before you with the thought 
that some men in the audience perhaps 
have been through the same experience. 
Something happens at the office or the 
store to anger you, and you cannot get 
it out of your system. You go home and 
make yourself disagreeable to your wife, 
THE NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC MAGAZINE 
and you hear her whisper to the children, 
“Papa isn’t feeling very well today ; don’t 
disturb him,” and you are left solitary 
with nobody to interrupt or interfere and 
with nothing to prevent your contempla- 
tion of yourself. After awhile, as the 
darkness of the evening comes. on, you 
realize what an ineffable ass you are 
making of yourself, and how you are 
treating those who had nothing to do 
with the original cause as if they were 
responsible for it. 
Now what is true of an individual is 
true of a nation. It is not so true as | 
would like to have it, because the con- 
science of an individual is usually better 
and higher than that of a nation; but the 
progress of Christian civilization is the 
elimination of the difference between the 
conscience of the individual and the con-- 
science of the nation. We have the right 
to reason that time, which helps so much 
in subduing the unreasoning quality of 
anger and momentary passion in indi- 
viduals, will have the same effect upon 
nations; and in many respects I think 
that clause is one of the best things in 
the treaty, and that if we can hold the 
two nations off for a year they will never 
come to blows at all. But the nub of the 
trouble which the Senate committee has 
is in the function to be performed by this 
joint high commission when there is a 
difference of opinion as to whether the 
controversy arising is a justiciable one 
which must be arbitrated under the 
treaty. That commission in such case 
has the right to decide whether the con- 
troversy comes within the definition or 
not; and if it is decided that they shall 
go on to arbitrate, the treaty recites that 
they shall go on to arbitrate as provided 
in the first clause. 
Now under the first clause the Senate 
must concur in a special agreement de- 
fining the question to be arbitrated, and 
there probably—Mr. Knox thinks cer- 
tainly—the Senate has the power to 
withhold its consent even after the joint 
high commission has acted. The Execu- 
tive is bound; the Senate may still re- 
fuse. But if a commission like this 
unanimously, or by a vote of five to one, 
as the treaty requires, decides the ques- 
tion to be arbitrable, the pressure upon 
