APRIL 26, 1912] 
tival, which occurs some time during rice planting. 
The most significant ceremonies formerly attended 
this festival, which might last from two days to 
two weeks; but as in other regions of the earth, 
so here, the incoming of commerce and civilization 
kills the ancient culture; and it is probable that if 
it is given at all in its entirety, it is only in the 
remote regions of the mountains, that this great 
festival of the ‘‘Ginum’’ is now observed with all 
its elaborate ceremonies. The Bagobos have other 
altars for different places and different occasions; 
altars for the planting of their corn or rice; for 
the cutting of their crops; and very often they 
place an altar with their offerings near a great 
tree or a beautiful spring or running water, espe- 
cially if the water is to be used for any ceremony 
of purification. 
A Note on the Personification of Fatigue among 
the Nez Percé, Kutenai, et al.: ALEXANDER F. 
CHAMBERLAIN. 
In common with other authorities, Dr. Paul 
Ehrenreich, in his recent volume, ‘‘ Allgemeine 
Mythologie’’ (Leipzig, 1910), takes the view (p. 
159) that personifications of abstract ideas, etc., 
are of little mythological significance, being al- 
most entirely of cultural or ceremonial import. 
Such personifications as do exist he regards as not 
primarily personifications of such qualities, but 
originally representations of lunar personalities, 
as, €. g-, in the cases of the Greek Hermes-Autoly- 
kos (gambling and pleasure) and the gambling- 
deities of certain North American Indians. Ac- 
cording to Ehrenreich, the hunting-gods are ‘‘not 
really personifications of the hunt, but almost 
always the moon-god, or_at least a being furnished 
with lunar traits’? (p. 160). But this is going too 
far in the way of panlunarism. 
Among interesting personifications of abstract 
qualities among the North American Indians are 
sleep among the Ojibwa (Schoolcraft) and hunger 
among the Shushwap (Teit). Another case is that 
of fatigue among the Nez Percé and the Kutenai. 
As Bartels (‘‘Medicin d. Natury.,’’ Leipzig, 
1893) notes (p. 235), citing Bancroft (‘‘ Native 
Races,’’ Vol. I., p. 284), among the Nez Percé 
there was a ceremonial participated in annually 
by all the males of the tribe between the ages of 
18 and 40. The ceremonial, which lasted for from 
3 to 5 days, had, as its most noticeable element 
the pushing of willow-rods down the throat into 
the stomach, this being followed by hot and cold 
baths and fasting. The firm opinion of the In- 
dians is that they thereby obtain great bodily 
SCIENCE 
671 
strength and power of resistance to fatigue. The 
ceremonial is held in order to overcome Mawish, 
the spirit of fatigue. This is the Nez Percé 
“¢spring-medicine,’’ reported on recently by Dr. 
Spinden. There are certain identities and resem- 
blances in Kutenai and Nez Percé mythology, etc., 
that deserve careful study (one curious item is 
the presence in each of a character with one leg). 
Mawish, of course, is the Chinook jargon word for 
animal (¢. g., deer)—and the deer figures promi- 
nently in the dances, etc., of the Kutenai. 
Initial and Terminal Formule of Kutenai Tales: 
ALEXANDER F', CHAMBERLAIN. 
Although, in the adverb pik’dks, the Kutenai 
language has a word corresponding to our ‘‘long 
ago,’’ ‘‘once upon a time,’’ ete., so familiar as 
an initial formula in the tales and legends of 
many lands, this term does not appear as the 
customary beginning of such stories as have been 
recorded in the native text. 
In narration the Kutenai employs the ‘ ‘historic 
present,’’? as the grammarians term it, adding 
thus to the vividness of the story told. The great 
majority of the tales begin with a verb in the 
present tense, therefore, not with such a phrase as 
our ‘‘once upon a time,’’ with its verb in the 
past tense. Examples of Kutenai initial formule 
are: 
Kanaqué Skinkuts 
Kanaqué tlantla 
Kausaka’ne Wotak 
Konitlainé Skinkits 
Kénitlainé G’dtsats 
Tsinagé Skinkits 
Kaktliniim ’né 
Natlqoné Djais 
Coyote is traveling. 
Grissly-Bear is traveling. 
Frog is there. 
Coyote is in his house. 
Chipmunk is in his house. 
Coyote sets out (starts off). 
There is a village. 
He carries his brother on 
his back. 
Het a A Ul 
Very seldom is the order as above indicated in- 
verted, as e. g., Mitskakas K4usak’a’né, ‘‘The 
Tomtit is there.?’ The ‘‘Tale of Seven-Heads’’ 
begins: Wistatlatlam sahané, ‘‘Seven-Heads is 
bad’’; a tale of the owl, Kupi tsakétl4ine, ‘<¢The 
Owl is a great thief.’? The term dswatlné, ‘‘to- 
gether,’’ begins a tale, as, e. g., Asmatlné tsinagé 
Skinkiits Aqki Naik’ya, ‘‘Coyote and Fox set out 
together,’’ although the formula Skinkuts ismatlné, 
etc., is also used. Among the Kutenai, as with 
some other Indian tribes of the Oregon-Columbian 
region, the coyote who figures so largely in myth 
and legend is represented as being ‘‘on his 
travels’’; so, too, with certain of the other animal 
characters. Kandque Skinkiits is the typical be- 
