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SCIENCE 



[N. S. Vol. XXXIX. No. 1013 



would seek to persuade us that males might 

 become mothers. Instead of this and other 

 absurdities but little less glaring, it pro- 

 claims the logical postulate that all real dif- 

 ferences of human capacity are sensible 

 facts of the present world. In Jefferson's 

 glowing words, the inhabitants of this 

 created frame bring none of their dispari- 

 ties with them from the invisible. There 

 are no such things as divine rights, with- 

 drawn from human scrutiny. The doctrine 

 of equality affirms that only those persons 

 who show themselves different should be 

 treated differently. Its motto is the Eo- 

 man challenge "Aut tace, out face" — in 

 modern American "Put up or shut up." 

 True democracy is scientific method ap- 

 plied in politics. It accepts as inevitable 

 in the political sphere also what Huxley 

 called the great tragedy of science — "the 

 slaughter of a beautiful theory by an ugly 

 fact." The belief that a man who has 

 shown exceptional powers in any one direc- 

 tion will also show them in any other is 

 such a beautiful theory, exposed by our 

 political creed to slaughter by ugly facts. 

 Within narrow limits they confirm it. A 

 capable farmer or efficient selectman will 

 in all probability prove a good teacher of 

 the rule of three, or a good postmaster. Be- 

 yond narrow limits they disprove it. 

 Probably neither could teach Abelian func- 

 tions well, or manage a wireless station. 

 But whether verified or falsified, it is not 

 the generalization itself, but the test of it, 

 which is the sum and substance of the prin- 

 ciple of equality. This is a doctrine of 

 method, not a statement of results. It re- 

 peats in modern words the ancient injunc- 

 tion — "By their fruits ye shall know 

 them. " It is the merit system generalized. 

 Admitting all verifiable disparities of hu- 

 man capacity, and excluding all mystic dis- 

 parities, the equality of the Declaration is 

 simple common sense. Denying them all 



indiscriminately, the equality of its inter- 

 pretation is literally nonsense. 



Second, as to our national conditions. 

 They are no longer those of pioneer life. 

 The task of leading the civilization of the 

 United States has ceased to resemble a 

 business. No man, however able, can learn 

 it in all its branches. Growth, as is its 

 wont, has developed heterogeneity from 

 homogeneity. The arts we now practise 

 have become as long as the lives we can de- 

 vote to them. Our farmers, our manufac- 

 turers, our builders, our soldiers, our law- 

 yers, our doctors, our educators, our relig- 

 ious leaders, are now different persons, each 

 given wholly to his work. The era of the 

 all-round man has at last gone by for us 

 also, as centuries ago it went by for the old 

 world. The excellence that comes alone 

 from the long exercise of special aptitude 

 is everywhere demanded, and the demand 

 is everywhere being met. The era of 

 mediocrity, the nation of plebeians, is on 

 its way to bringing forth aristocracies of 

 demonstrated ability, and the sense of per- 

 sonality — the recognition of that delicate 

 but real differentiation that makes each man 

 himself and no one else — will not long de- 

 lay its advent. 



The democracy of individuality, the 

 democracy that accepts all proven differ- 

 ences and no others, is the new social ideal, 

 squaring at once with the creed of our 

 fathers and our own conditions. With our 

 political creed, for the doctrine of equality, 

 in denying all supersensible differences, 

 stops short at the sensible world. Personal- 

 ity is its presupposition. With our national 

 conditions, for the all-round man is bested 

 in every line by the exceptional man in that 

 line, and only the best has become good 

 enough for us. The Jack-of-all-trades is 

 master of none, and our progress calls for 

 masters everywhere. Finally, the democ- 

 racy of individuality makes for the union 



