MARcH 22, 1901.] 
of this Society) unroll a scroll picturing 
the origin and development of thought 
itself through the long chain of interactions 
between the thinking organism and exter- 
nal nature—and in this way alone,—they 
foresee that their interpretation must seem 
too simple to be true—though they find 
comfort in the teachings of experience that 
in the long run simple explanations are 
preferred, that simple doctrines at last pre- 
vail, indeed that the progress of knowledge 
is best measured by its own simplification. 
But even after full allowance for hesitation 
and doubt, it must still be said that the 
opening of the post-Huxleian vista has 
had much effect; it has widened the view 
of nature to include the psychical as well 
as the physical aspects of organisms; it 
has correspondingly narrowed the range 
of extra-natural explanations of phenom- 
ena; and, specifically, it has revealed a 
new class of homologies among the races of 
men and between these and sub-human 
organisms. So the homologies recognized 
to-day as defining man’s place in nature are 
of three classes: (1) structural, as wrought 
out by Huxley; (2) activital, as suggested 
by Huxley and wrought out by Powell; 
and (3) mental, or psychic. Expressed 
otherwise, man’s place in nature is now 
defined, first by what mankind and their 
kindred are, second by what they do, and 
third by what they think. And the chief 
progress of the post-Huxleian epoch, albeit 
practically confined to Homo sapiens in 
various grades of development, has fol- 
lowed the lines of psychic homologies. 
It is just to say that the foundation for 
modern knowledge of psychic homologies 
was laid by Tylor in his ‘ Primitive Cul- 
ture’ (1871), and especially in the seven ° 
notable chapters on animism elaborated in 
successive editions; for he showed that a 
certain type of philosophy is of world-wide 
extent, and is, or has been, shared by every 
race, every known people, whatsoever their 
SCIENCE. 
455 
diversities of color or condition. This foun- 
dation was gradually raised into a definite 
platform partly by Tylor in later publica- 
tions, partly by Powell in brief memoirs on 
“The Mythology of the North American In- 
dians’ (1879) and ‘ Activital. Similarities ’ 
(1881), in which it was shown that the in- 
teractions between distinct peoples and sim- 
ilar environments frequently produce sim- 
ilar activities, howsoever diverse the peoples 
themselves ; and important additions to the 
platform were made by Brinton in various 
contributions summarized in his ‘ Religions 
of Primitive Peoples’ (1897), in which he 
showed that the human mind, even in its 
more complex operations, reflects environ- 
ment with striking fidelity. True (as re- 
cently shown by Boas*), the products of 
interaction between peoples and environ- 
ment are in some measure inconsistent and 
may even at first sight seem contradic- 
tory; but, as pointed out on a previous 
occasion,} the incongruities shrink or dis- 
appear when the comparisons are confined 
to peoples in corresponding degrees of cul- 
tural development. 
The modern platform for the study of 
psychic homologies may be defined briefly 
in terms of a few generalizations, which 
seem to be consistent with the sum of 
knowledge concerning the psychic attributes 
of both human and sub-human organisms, 
viz.: (1) the mentality of animals is instine- 
tive rather (or more) than ratiocinative, 
and for each species responds practically 
alike to like stimuli; (2) the savage mind 
is shaped largely by instinct, and responds 
nearly alike to like stimuli; (3) all barbarie 
minds are measurably similar in their re- 
sponses to environmental stimuli ; (4) civil- 
ized minds rise well above instinct, and 
**The Mind of Primitive Man,’ ScreNcE, Vol. 
XIII., 1901, pp. 281-289. 
+ ‘Cardinal Principles of Science,’ Proceedings of 
the Washington Academy of Science, Vol. II., 1900, p. 
11. : 
