EOE 
1922.) A Dialect of Modern Awadhi. 323 
§ 70. Present Indicative. 
dékhat dékhi 
détkhai dékhau 
dékhat dékhat. 
This tense is no longer used in common speech (except 
that of the auxiliary hdb) and has been replaced by the 
Present Imperf. Indicative, e.g. I go—mai jat' hat, not mai 
jaa, but I am—mai hai. It, however, still survives in songs 
(e.g. sdwau ki jagau mort Gdhi bhawini,....bali jaui '—are you 
sleeping, revered Bhawani, or waking, I bow to thee) as the 
Pres. Indic. and in stories as the Habitual Past or historic 
present in vivid description (e.g. mahtari rdju chappan parkal 
k* bhojan banawai*—the mother used to prepare food of fifty- 
six varieties daily; raja kacehari s* ayé dekhai ka koi ke juta 
dharé*—the Raja returned from the court and what does he 
see— that somebody’s shoes were there. 
§ 71. Past Indicative. 
dékhet dékhen 
dekhz, dékhis dekheu 
dekhis* déekhini 
This tense refers toa momentary action which happened 
in the past, e.g. jab mai hui s¢ caled tab tum hua nai rahau— 
you were not there when I left the place. If a continuous 
action in the past is meant a root indicating continuous action 
is combined with one expressing momentary action, e.g. mar 
baith rahei—I remained seated. The difference between this 
tense and the Pres. Perf. Indic. and the Past Perf. Indic. is chiefly 
that the effect of the last two lasts after the action while it 
does not last in the case of this tense. The Past Indic. may, 
arrived. Thus, here, the momentary action of ‘ arri 
mart ki tumhar har pijar tati jai—all right you'll see, I shall 
beat you so much that all your bones will be broken ; 






i Vide Appendix (6) 1. _ 2 Vide Appendix (a). 
