GOVEENMENT AND ADMINISTEATION. 477 



persons engaged in the local government of the country render their services 

 gratuitously. 



Political representation in the United Kingdom, ia accordance with the tradi- 

 tions of the Middle Ages, is not an inherent right, but a privilege dependent 

 upon being properly qualified. Changes in the old electoral laws have no doubt 

 brought the English practice more in consonance with modern ideas ; but this 

 renders existing inequalities all the more striking. By the last Reform Bill, 

 passed in 1867, the electoral franchise in English counties is enjoyed 

 by all freeholders, by copyholders and tenants for life whose estate has a 

 clear annual value of £5, and by occupiers of lands or tenements of the ratable 

 value of £12 and upwards. In boroughs the franchise is attached to the occupa- 

 tion of a dwelling-house separately rated to the poor rates, or of a lodging of the 

 annual value of £12. In Scotch boroughs all householders paying rates have 

 the franchise, whilst in Irish boroughs a house rental of £4 or an unfurnished 

 lodging worth £10 a year confers this privilege. The universities are likewise 

 entitled to send their representatives into Parliament.* It is quite clear that 

 the conditions attached to the franchise exclude from its exercise not only 

 many of the artisans who live in towns, but also the entire body of agricul- 

 tural and other labourers. More than two-thirds of the adult male population 

 are shut out from every exercise of political rights, and in Ireland, where poverty 

 is great, only one man out of eight enjoys the privileges of an elector. The 

 county members represent, in fact, the landed proprietors and the farmers ; the 

 borough members the middle classes. "Women, though allowed to vote for school 

 boards and in parochial matters, when properly qualified, have not hitherto been 

 granted the political franchise, t 



Owing to changes in the population, the existing distribution of seats amongst 

 the constituencies does not represent their numerical proportions. Several large 

 towns are not represented at all, whilst some small places of no importance 

 whatever, by virtue of ancient charters or acts of royal favour, considered to 

 confer historic rights, still return one or two members to Parliament. As 

 an instance we may mention Croydon, with over 100,000 inhabitants, which 

 is not represented at all, whilst Marlborough, with less than 700 voters, returns 

 one member. To every member of Parliament there are theoretically about 

 50,000 inhabitants; but there is hardly a large town in the United Kingdom 

 where this proportion is adhered to. London, for instance, with its immense 

 population, would be entitled to nearly 100 representatives, but is compelled 

 to rest content with 22, besides which, the various quarters of the metropolis 

 are very unequally favoured, the " City " enjoying a decided preponderance over 

 the other boroughs. 



* Composition of the House of Commons : — 



England and Wales. Scotland. 



Borough memhers . . 293 26 



County members . . . 187 32 



University members . . 5 2 

 t In 1877 the number of electors was 2,911,339, viz. 1,771,521 in boroughs, 1,115,100 in counties, 

 and 26,718 in universities. 



