aaa 
Hale.) 30 | March 2, 
tive, interrogative, desiderative, and the like, which are among the most 
notable characteristics of these languages, and add much to their power of 
expression. The Tutelo has several of these forms, but none of them are 
found in the Dakota or Hidatsa, both of which express the meaning of 
these forms by adverbial phrases or other circumlocutions. The negative 
form in Tutelo is made (in a manner which reminds us of the French ne- 
pas) by prefixing & or ki to the affirmative and suffixing na. The tense ter- 
minations oma, owa, and ewa, become ona and ena in this form : 
inkséha, he laughs kinkséhna, he does not laugh 
inwakséha, I laugh kinwahsehna, I do not laugh 
wameginoma, I am sick kimameginona, I am not sick 
waktéewa, I killed him kiwaktéena, I did not kill him 
owaklaka, I speak kowaklakna, I do not speak 
wakteoma, Lam killing him kiwakteona, Tam not killing him | 
yahowa, he is coming kiahona, he is not coming a 
Kintséhna, he is not laughing, is thus varied in the present tense : 
kinkséhna, he is not laughing’ khinksehanéna, they are not laughing | 
kinyakséhna, thou art not laughing kijiyakséhpuna, ye are not laughing ; 
kinwakséhna, I am not laughing himaenkséhna, we are not laughing | 
The interrogative form terminates in 0, as: 
yaktéwa, thou killedst him yaktewo, didst thou kill him ? 
yakteoma, thou art killing him yakteonmo, art thou kiling him? | 
yatéta, thou wilt kill him yaktéto, wilt thou kill him? } 
yatiwa, thou dwellest toka yatiwo, where dost thou dwell? 
aléwa, he is going toka alewo, where is he going ? 
It is evident that this form is an inflection, pure and simple. It isa vowel 
change, and not in any manner an agglutinated particle. It takes the place 
of that elevation of tone with which we conclude an interrogative sentence, 
and which, strange to say, is not heard among the Dakotas. Mr. Riggs re- 
marks that ‘unlike the English, the voice falls at the close of all inter- 
rogative sentences,’’ 
The desiderative form appears to be expressed by the affixed particle bé 
| or be, but the examples which were obtained happened to be all in the 
negative, thus : 
owapéwa, I go howanébina, I do not wish to go 
opetése, he is going, or will go kopébenise, he does not wish to go 
waktewa, I kill him kiwaktéebina, I do not wish to kill him 
| hawilewa, I come kiwilébina, T do not wish to come 
I 
l 
The imperative mood is distinguished apparently by a sharp accent on 
the final syllable of the verb, which loses the sign of tense. Thus from the 
| nyo, to give (in Dakota und Hidatsa, kw), which appears in maingdwa, I 
i 
