THE TAJIN TOTONAC PART 1 KELLY AND PALERM 



55 



In the course of the years — we do not know just 

 when — Potrero came to be known as Taj in. Unlike 

 Ojital, Taj in still is a single community and has 

 not been split into small local centers. Despite the 

 shift in name, the location of the fimdo legal is 

 unchanged. It lies toward the eastern limits of 

 the subdivision (between parcels 119 and 124, maps 

 6, 8) and will be described a few pages below. 



BOUNDARIES 



The external boundaries of Ojital y Potrero are 

 definitive and well known. The subdivision occu- 

 pies the northwestern limits of the municipal unit 

 administered from Papantla. Immediately to the 

 east, is Papantla itself, largely mestizo, but with a 

 heavy Totonac ingredient. On all sides, save the 

 north and northwest, are other Totonac communi- 

 ties which fall within the jurisdiction of Pa- 

 pantla — El Chote, Morgadal, Tlahuanapa, Gil- 

 dardo Mufioz, and Plan de Hidalgo. To the north 

 and northwest are further Totonac communities, 

 but these are administered from the municipal seat 

 of Coatzintla. 



In contrast, the internal dividing line between 

 Ojital and Tajin (old Potrero) is ragged and sub- 

 ject to constant flux, although informants gener- 

 alty are able to say, without hesitation, whether a 

 certain parcel of land belongs to Tajin or to one 

 of the Ojital centers. Affiliation seems to depend 

 only in part on the location of the land, and in 

 the majority of cases, the real determining factor 

 appears to be in which community the owner of the 

 parcel gives his 1 day a week of free public labor. 

 For example, parcel No. 148 is occupied and 

 planted exclusively by families who give service in 

 Ojital. Nevertheless, the owner, who lives in an- 

 other parcel, belongs to Tajin, as does the land 

 which is registered in his name. 



Occasionally the situation is obscure, and we 

 have followed the verdict of informants, although 

 we were unable to determine the precise reason for 

 the affiliation of the land in question. For ex- 

 ample, parcel No. 123, adjoining the fiwido, is 

 owned by a resident of Tlahuanapa. He does not 

 participate in communal labor in Tajin, yet the 

 land is considered the domain of the latter com- 

 munity. Furthermore, the owners of parcels No. 

 80 and No. 8G give service in Ojital (San Antonio) , 

 yet three informants state flatly that, regardless, 

 the lands belong to Tajin. Conversely, the owner 



of parcel No. 82 gives communal labor in Tajin, 

 yet the land is said to belong to Ojital. 



In some of these cases, it may be that affiliation 

 follows that of a previous owner. A number of 

 Tajin parcels have been acquired by outsiders, who 

 are not Totonac, not local residents, and who give 

 no communal labor. Under such circumstances, 

 informants attribute the parcel to the community 

 where the previous owner rendered public service. 

 Occasionally a parcel has been divided, and the 

 owner of one half gives communal labor in Tajin 

 the owner of the other half, in Ojital. In that 

 event, only half the parcel is claimed by Tajin 

 (maps 6, 8, Nos. 55, 58). 



Men who live near the ficndo legal of Tajin nat- 

 urally find it more convenient to give public labor 

 there. But if the dwelling is close to Ojital, the 

 owner may change his affiliation according to 

 whim. He merely informs the municipal offices 

 that, until further notice, he will devote his serv- 

 ices to a specified one of the Ojital centers — and 

 without further ado, his name is changed officially 

 from one roll to the other. Seldom is there any 

 discussion; "the municipal agents are not ex- 

 acting." 



There are two principal reasons for changing from one 

 community to another. Perhaps a man becomes annoyed 

 with the municipal authorities and so decides to give his 

 day of free labor elsewhere. 



Or the local program of public works may be am- 

 bitious and threaten considerable demand on time and 

 even on purse. In this case, it is expedient to shift alle- 

 giance. For example, several men in Tajin were not in 

 sympathy with the new school project. To avoid re- 

 sponsibilty, they withdrew their services from Tajin and 

 transferred to one of the Ojital centers. However, after 

 a few years, as the building neared completion, most re- 

 turned to Tajin, so that their children might have the 

 right to attend the new school. 



From time to time, special cases arise. There is that 

 of a literate man who transferred from Tajin to La 

 Lagunilla, when that newly formed Ojital nucleus was 

 badly in need of a secretary and requested his services. 



Although the Totonac are free to change the 

 scene of their communal labor and do so from time 

 to time, they may change only within the limits 

 of the main subdivision — that is, within the con- 

 fines of Ojital y Potrero. For example, a resident 

 of Tajin is not accepted for communal labor in 

 Tlahuanapa or Gildardo Mufioz, since these settle- 

 ments lie outside the bounds of Ojital y Potrero. 



The current limits of Tajin, unstable and ragged 

 though they be, are shown in maps G and 8. The 



