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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 13 



varying quantity. Most do not sell systematically, 

 but collect the fruit each time they contemplate a 

 trip to Papantla. However, Pablo Gonzalez, 

 whose wife and stepdaughters exploit the tomate 

 very thoroughly, calculates that a maize field of 



1 hectare produces 1.5 almudes (18 liters) of to- 

 matoes a week, during the spring season of 3 

 months. He did not state whether or not the sec- 

 ond harvest was equally plentiful, but he estimates 

 a total annual income of over $300 pesos from the 

 sales made by the women folk of his family. Don 

 Pablo, incidentally, plants 3 hectares to corn, 

 hence the household has more than average ter- 

 rain from which to collect. 



Others sell on much smaller scale and few have 

 any notion of their total returns — especially since 

 the price varies, according to supply and demand, 

 from $0.60 to about $3.00 pesos the almud of 12 

 liters. Some say loftily that they sell only when 

 the price exceeds $2.00 pesos. It is clear from the 

 figures given by Don Pablo that a good many fam- 

 ilies could add materially to their annual budget 

 if they were to exploit the wild tomato more sys- 

 tematically. Not all, of course, are in a position 

 to do so. Those who have no maize field have no 

 place to collect ; and a woman who must care for 

 assorted small children is not able to leave them 

 sufficient time to go to Papantla to sell. 



Some dry the tomate for their own use out of 

 season. A frame of four forked sticks supports 

 two crosspieces, on which rest a series of horizon- 

 tal saplings or split bamboos, and on these, the 

 fruit is spread to dry. A small fire may be built 

 beneath the frame, to give added heat and to re- 

 duce the humidity. 



The chili also is a miniature form, but extraor- 

 dinarily potent. It is collected but once a year, 

 beginning in April and continuing into May. 

 Fresh or dried, it is one of the mainstays of the 

 Totonac cuisine, and economically, it probably out- 

 ranks the wild tomato in importance. 



Concerning the exploitation of the wild chili, 

 we have data from the same 35 families. Of them, 



2 do not plant maize, hence have no cornfield and 

 no source of supply; 8 claim not to gather the 

 chili; 5 collect sufficient for home consumption; 

 15 gather, in addition, a surplus for sale. Since 

 the chili generally is sold dry — at one fell swoop, 

 and not piecemeal, as is the tomato — families are 



able to calculate proceeds more easily. Most sales 

 range from $12 to $90 pesos the year. 



However, one family claims to have realized $143 

 pesos, and two give figures in the vicinity of $G00 

 pesos annually. One of the latter households is 

 that of Pablo Gonzalez, which is blessed with 

 numerous offspring, including three grown step- 

 daughters. This family plants 3 hectares of maize 

 and has a sizable territory from which to collect 

 chili. The other case is quite different, for the 

 family is in straitened circumstances. The man 

 of the household is ailing and unable to work, but 

 his elderly wife and decrepit godmother collect 

 about 5 fanegas (720 liters) of chili between them, 

 and claim to sell it at $10.00. pesos the almud of 12 

 liters. 



In both the above cases, the price must be better 

 than average to account for the alleged proceeds. 

 Ordinarily, chili is sold from $4.00 to $10.00 pesos 

 the almud, and $5.00 to $6.00 pesos is usual. In any 

 event, it is clear that at least two families gain a 

 considerable sum from the collection of wild chili, 

 and others probably could increase their earnings 

 through more systematic collection. 



Chili is dried in the sun, and sometimes on a 

 special frame such as that described above for the 

 tomato. During rainy weather, the rack may be 

 set up inside the dwelling. 



As a general thing, women gather and sell both 

 wild tomato and chili. However, when the latter 

 is collected on sufficiently large scale so that it is 

 marketed by the fanega (144 liters), the vendor 

 generally is the man of the family. 



OTHER WILD FOOD PLANTS 



A limited amount of food comes from other wild 

 plants. Some are eaten as greens (Nos. 5, 6, 29, 93, 

 104, 105, 286) ; others are used to make fermented 

 beverages (Nos. 21, 252, 283) . Of some, the pods or 

 their contents are considered a delicacy by the 

 youngsters (Nos. 38, 181, 203) ; and the seeds of 

 another (No. 249) provide a vegetable oil. 



Two fruits are collected in sufficient quantity to 

 warrant marketing in Papantla. One is the 

 zapote cabello (Licanla, No. 90), produced by a 

 tree of monte alto, which also is a semidomesticate, 

 being planted occasionally in the maize field or in 

 the patio of the house. The fruit is popular in 

 Papantla ; it ripens in November, hence is available 



