40 



INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY — PUBLICATION NO. 14 



favor the statistical definition of a large non- 

 Indian population than was the case during most 

 of the nineteenth century. In how far this per- 

 missive attitude toward population mixture was 

 the result of the Indian rebellions of the 1780's, is 

 a question needing study. Among the after- 

 effects of the Rebellion of 1780 was an intensified 

 campaign to obliterate the historical tradition of 

 Indian cultural autonomy. The figures of the 

 census of 1795 may reflect this campaign of the 

 "de-Indianization" of Peru. 44 



DISTRIBUTION IN 1826-54 



The map for 1826-54 is incomplete (maps 3, 

 4). Figures for several provinces are altogether 

 lacking in this period. Nevertheless the northern 

 highland is completely documented. A striking 

 reversion to Indian majority appears in Cajamarca 

 Province, in Conchucos, and in Huaylas. These 

 areas of renewed Indian majority tended to break 

 the older mestizo block, as reported in 1795, into 

 three fragments, centering in Jaen-Chota, Tru- 

 jillo-Santa, and in Huamalies. This last province 

 was Indian in 1795, with almost 63 percent counted 

 Indian inhabitants. In 1826-54 the Indian per- 

 centage dropped to 46.64 percent. The provincial 

 tax collector in 1842 lamented the disintegration 

 of the economic life of the province, the moral 

 decay of the citizenry, and the alarming degenera- 

 tion of the standard of living since 1800. 45 The 

 tax collector was unable to raise tribute from all 

 the Indians in his district, and so reported col- 

 lections mainly from the mestizos. Hence the 

 socially effective population was not Indian but 

 mestizo. The case suggests that as isolation and 

 economic decline overtook a province, the Indian 

 caste was the first to disappear from the scene of 

 social cooperation. As the Indians dispersed 

 beyond control by the state, the residual non- 

 Indians appeared to hold the majority, but 

 ultimately, as in Huamalies Province by 1940, 

 reverted to minority when the dispersed Indian 

 farming populations once again became socially 

 available. By the same token of isolation and 

 economic decline, the non-Indian settlers of one 

 generation lost caste and reverted to Indian status 

 in a later generation. 



In Conchucos the collector lamented the devas- 

 tation of the province by Republican troops, and 

 the decay of domestic markets for provincial 

 produce, owing to the flooding of the economy by 

 foreign imports. 46 Here again, economic decay 

 and progressive Indianization may be related, as 

 in Huanuco and Huamalies. In Huaylas, disease, 

 war, and governmental exploitation were blamed 

 by the collector for the decay of the province. 

 Indianization here too during the period 1826-54 

 was notable, in contrast to the non-Indian 

 majority that occupied the province at the end 

 of the Colonial era. 



For the south coast our figures from 1826 to 

 1854 are incomplete, especially in Camana, 

 Condesuyos, Arequipa, and Moquegua. In Pari- 

 nacochas, however, the non-Indian majority of 

 47.07 percent in 1795 shifted to a majority 

 approaching 65 percent by 1854. The tax col- 

 lector observed in 1847 that heavy taxation and 

 economic distress among the Indians had depleted 

 the province through emigration to other areas. 47 

 The mestizos left behind were of course more 

 numerous relative to the Indians than before. 

 Parinacochas has never again shown mestizo 

 majority. As in the north, economic decline 

 stimulated Indian dispersal, mestizo impoverish- 

 ment, and finally the reidentification of the 

 population toward 1876 as a predominantly 

 Indian population, probably by loss of caste 

 among the remaining mestizo settlers. 



In general, changes in caste majority between 

 1826 and 1854 appear to be related to the alarming 

 economic decline of early Republican government. 

 The Indians dispersed, and the mestizos gradually 

 lost caste. But for a brief period, the non-Indian 

 inhabitants held the majority, as in Huanuco, 

 Huamalies, and Parinacochas, where it fell to 

 them by default. 



DISTRIBUTION IN 1876 



The economic disorders of Peru were arrested 

 after 1850 by a variety of new situations, such as 

 the guano export industry, the building of the 

 railroads, and by unaccustomed political tran- 

 quillity, if only at intervals. The census of 1876, 



« See Memorias, 1859, vol. 6, p. 172, on abolition of the traditional Indian 

 ceremonial offices and duties under Viceroy Teodoro de Croix. 



«» MS. "Libro de Empadronamiento de Yndigenas de la Provincia de 

 Huamalies," AHMH, R. 0262. 407 pp. The informe appears upon pp. 51-57, 

 signed by Joaquin de Cortavarria, and dated August 20, 1842, at Aguamiros. 



" MS. "Padron de Contribuyentes de . . . la Provincia de Conchucos 

 Bajo," AHMH, R. 0112. 356 fos. The informe appears on fos. 353-354, signed 

 by Bernardo de Albarinos and dated 1830. 



*' MS. "Matricula de Indtgenas de la Provincia de Parinacochas, Depto 

 de Ayacucho," AHMH, R. 0341. 148 fos. The informe is signed by Manuel 

 Cardenas and dated at Ayacucho, December 17, 1847. 



