64 



INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 14 



came to occupy nearly the entire coast. The 

 north also became dominantly mestizo. The 

 southern highlands are interlaced by broad bands 

 and zones of mestizo increase. The Indian world 

 (map 20) is clearly defined by the central high- 

 lands, and by substantial portions of the south 

 highlands. Most striking is the mestizo gain in 

 the central highland provinces of the Pacific 

 watershed: Cajatambo, Canta, Huarochiri, and 

 Yauyos (map 20). The Indian highland block 

 shows its most integral aspect from Conchucos 

 to Huanta (map 19). Farther south and east this 

 Indian block is fragmented. In the south only 

 Andahuaylas has notable increase by Indian 

 percentage. Chumbivilcas and Tinta are sepa- 

 rated from the remainder of the Indian block by 

 a broad belt of mestizo increases. On the whole, 

 the Indian world shows its center of gravity in 

 the central and eastern highlands. It is regrettable 

 that the eighteenth-century figures for the Depart- 

 ment of Puno are lacking. Were the rates of 

 change available for these provinces from 1795 

 to 1940, we should behold another evidence of 

 the way in which, without measurable biological 

 changes, the caste proportions favor Indian sur- 

 vival only in the less densely populated sections 

 of the altiplano of Puno (see map 15). 



CONCLUSION 



In general, the trend of Indian increase that 

 held until 1876, was reversed between 1876 and 

 1940, when mestizo populations became more 

 numerous and more extensive, and more rapid in 

 growth than the Indian component. The proc- 

 ess can be continuously documented with rea- 

 sonable accuracy in the provinces listed in table 9. 

 Undocumented are the provinces of the Depart- 

 ment of Puno, lacking in the census of 1795, and 

 certain other provinces, for which the tax registers 

 of 1826-54 are still unlocated (map 3). Also 

 without continuous documented history are the 

 montana provinces where no head count was 

 seriously attempted until 1940. It will be seen 

 from maps 19 and 20 that the area for which 

 continuous documentation is available, includes 

 about two-thirds of the entire country. The 

 totals by period are therefore not absolute, and 

 they are not accurately representative of the total 

 trend. This total trend, however, cannot now be 

 known. Our figures give its general direction. 



In essence the Indian component of Peruvian 

 population gained in strength throughout the 

 country from the end of the eighteenth century 

 until the third quarter of the nineteenth century. 

 Since 1876 the Indian component has lost numbers, 

 relative to the total population, until in 1940, the 

 Indian population had become a minority ap- 

 proaching but 40 percent of total, in the docu- 

 mented areas (fig. 1). 



y loo- 



ms V//h'S76 

 1826 I9S4 



Figure 1. — The Indian caste, 1795-1940, by absolute 

 numbers for the territory as of table 9. Dotted line 

 continues Colonial rate of decrease after 1795, for 

 comparison with actual rate of percentage decrease 

 shown by solid line. 



An estimate of 1586, published in 1648, states 

 that the non-Indians of the Viceroyalty of Peru 

 numbered 53,000 among 1,049,766 Indians (Diez 

 de la Calle, 1648, f. 18a). Assuming that 

 the area covered by this count of 1586 was 

 roughly equal to the area covered by our limited 

 counts from 1795-1940, the percentage of Indians 

 may be taken in 1586 as about 95.2 percent. 

 Between 1586 and 1795, no other counts classified 



