INDIAN TRIBES OF NORTHERN MATO GROSSO, BRAZIL — OBERG 



97 



several hundred yards off and messengers are sent 

 out to arrange a meeting. When agreement is 

 reached the visiting band enters the camp, the 

 visiting chief kneels on one knee and holding his 

 bow and arrows above his head with his right hand 

 he makes a speech extolling the hosts and their 

 goods and depreciating the things which his band 

 has brought. The host then makes a similar 

 speech, and trading begins. 



Important items are traded by the two chiefs 

 representing their respective bands, while small 

 items can be exchanged by individual owners. 

 In all cases, however, the technique of trading is 

 the same. If an individual wants an object he 

 extolls it by saying how fine it is. If a man values 

 an object and wants much in exchange for it, 

 instead of saying that it is very valuable he says 

 that it is no good, thus showing his desire to keep it. 

 "This ax is no good, it is very old, it is very dull/' 

 he will say, referring to his ax which the other 

 wants. This argument is carried on in an angry 

 tone of voice until a settlement is reached. When 

 agreement has been reached each snatches the 

 object out of the other's hand. If a man has 

 bartered a necklace, instead of taking it off and 

 handing it over, the other person must take if off 

 with a show of force. Disputes, often leading to 

 fights, occur when one party is a little premature 

 and snatches the object before the other has 

 finished arguing. The term "boca forte" (strong 

 mouth) applies particularly to trading, for a man 

 with a strong mouth gets what he wants and con- 

 vinces the other that he, too, has made a good 

 bargain. This method of trading contrasts sharply 

 with that practiced among the Upper Xingu 

 tribes where each party places a pile of goods 

 opposite the article he wants, usually without 

 saying a word. If agreement is not reached, each 

 one eventually withdraws his goods. 



After a satisfactory exchange of goods the two 

 bands go hunting and prepare a quantity of food 

 and dance as long as the food lasts. During these 

 meetings marriages are sometimes arranged, but 

 more often, when leaving, some strong man will 

 try to steal tbe wife of some other man. If a fight 

 should occur in which one man is killed the winner 

 will take not only his wife or wives but his children 

 and property as well. 



Kev. L. W. Buckman gave the following account 

 which reveals something of the tension between 



the bands. In 1937, the Kitanhlu band met a 

 small group of Chiwaisu out hunting and at- 

 tempted to trade with them. As the Chiwaisu 

 were the smaller group, the Kitanhlu evidently 

 tried to rob them. In the fight several Chiwaisu 

 were killed. These bands did not meet again until 

 1941, but the Chiwaisu prowled around the 

 Kitanhlu camp stealing what they could and try- 

 ing to revenge their fallen comrades. In 1941, 

 both bands happened to meet in Campos Novos, 

 and the old quarrel was renewed. In the Chiwaisu 

 camp there was a child which had been born to a 

 Kitanhlu woman married to a Chiwaisu. A 

 Kitanhlu took the child away by force saying that 

 it belonged to his band. The Chiwaisu retaliated 

 by shooting down a Kitanhlu. A fight followed in 

 which the Chiwaisu were driven out after losing 

 several of their band. For several years the 

 Chiwaisu remained away and were attacked by the 

 Salaunsu, a wild tribe living to the north of the 

 Nambicuara. In the last few years, a temporary 

 peace has been arranged by the Chiwaisu bringing 

 presents of wax and honey to the Kitanhlu. 



Except at telegraph stations, mission stations, 

 and at the two Indian Posts, the Nambicuara have 

 few contacts with their neighbors, the Paressi and 

 Iranxe. The Paressi consider the Nambicuara as 

 their inferiors, and, as far as is known, the two 

 peoples do not intermarry. The Iranxe hold them- 

 selves aloof from both tribes. 



The efforts of the Servico de Protecao aos Indios 

 to improve the lot of the Nambicuara have not 

 been very successful. Part of this lack of success 

 is, no doubt, due to the poor agricultural possibili- 

 ties in the region. The Tolosa Post is situated in a 

 barren region where it is difficult to grow sufficient 

 food to maintain more than two or three families. 

 The Nambicuara visit Tolosa, but after the food 

 supply is consumed they move on. The other 

 factor which makes it difficult to settle the Nambi- 

 cuara in permanent villages is that they are 

 hunters and shifting agriculturists. Lack of good 

 agricultural land does not altogether explain this 

 nomadic pattern of existence. Like the Caduvco 

 who have excellent fanning land the Nambicuara 

 persist in continuing their traditional form of 

 economy. 



In contrast to the Paressi, who have become 

 satisfactory employees of telegraph stations, min- 

 ing camps, and mission stations, the Nambicuara 



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