﻿Vol.2] 
  INCA 
  CULTURE 
  — 
  ROWE 
  255 
  

  

  (p. 
  284). 
  Although 
  there 
  seems 
  to 
  have 
  been 
  some 
  tendency 
  to 
  use 
  

   names 
  of 
  prominent 
  ancestors, 
  the 
  Inca 
  had 
  no 
  system 
  of 
  family 
  

   names, 
  and 
  no 
  rigid 
  rules 
  for 
  naming 
  their 
  children. 
  Ayllus 
  traced 
  

   their 
  origins 
  to 
  mythical 
  ancestors 
  — 
  animals, 
  persons, 
  or 
  natural 
  

   objects 
  — 
  which 
  were 
  worshiped, 
  but 
  there 
  is 
  no 
  evidence 
  that 
  the 
  

   individual 
  ancestor 
  was 
  identified 
  with 
  an 
  animal 
  species. 
  For 
  

   example, 
  if 
  an 
  ayllu 
  claimed 
  descent 
  from 
  a 
  parrot, 
  it 
  accorded 
  parrots 
  

   in 
  general 
  no 
  special 
  reverence. 
  The 
  meat 
  of 
  animals 
  of 
  the 
  same 
  

   species 
  as 
  the 
  mythical 
  ancestor 
  was 
  not 
  taboo, 
  and 
  no 
  rites 
  were 
  

   performed 
  for 
  its 
  increase. 
  That 
  persons 
  and 
  natural 
  objects 
  as 
  well 
  

   as 
  animals 
  might 
  be 
  mythical 
  ancestors 
  suggests 
  that 
  animals 
  played 
  

   no 
  predominant 
  part 
  in 
  mythology 
  (Molina 
  of 
  Cuzco, 
  1913, 
  p. 
  119). 
  

   An 
  interesting 
  example 
  of 
  the 
  use 
  of 
  animals 
  as 
  symbols 
  is 
  that 
  the 
  

   Inca 
  Emperors 
  kept 
  a 
  sacred 
  white 
  llama 
  (nap 
  a), 
  which 
  was 
  in 
  a 
  

   sense 
  a 
  dynastic 
  symbol. 
  (See 
  Religion, 
  Ceremonial 
  Calendar.) 
  Two 
  

   explanations 
  were 
  given 
  of 
  its 
  origin: 
  First, 
  that 
  it 
  represented 
  the 
  

   first 
  llama 
  seen 
  on 
  the 
  earth 
  after 
  the 
  flood 
  (Cobo, 
  1890-95, 
  bk. 
  13, 
  

   ch. 
  27), 
  and 
  second, 
  that 
  it 
  was 
  brougnt 
  from 
  the 
  cave 
  where 
  the 
  Inca 
  

   originated 
  by 
  the 
  mythical 
  ancestor 
  who 
  was 
  a 
  person 
  (Sarmiento, 
  

   1906). 
  Neither 
  explanation 
  identifies 
  the 
  llama 
  with 
  the 
  ancestor, 
  

   and 
  the 
  Inca 
  had 
  no 
  taboo 
  whatever 
  against 
  eating 
  llama 
  meat. 
  

  

  To 
  summarize, 
  the 
  Inca 
  ayllu 
  was 
  a 
  kin 
  group 
  with 
  theoretical 
  

   endogamy, 
  with 
  descent 
  in 
  the 
  male 
  line, 
  and 
  without 
  totemism. 
  

   It 
  was, 
  therefore, 
  not 
  a 
  clan 
  in 
  the 
  classical 
  sense 
  at 
  all. 
  There 
  is 
  

   no 
  historical 
  or 
  ethnological 
  evidence 
  to 
  support 
  the 
  theory 
  that 
  the 
  

   social 
  group 
  from 
  which 
  the 
  ayllu 
  developed 
  was, 
  in 
  some 
  pre-his- 
  

   toric 
  era, 
  a 
  true 
  clan. 
  

  

  The 
  ayllu 
  owned 
  a 
  definite 
  territory, 
  and 
  each 
  married 
  couple 
  

   cultivated 
  as 
  much 
  of 
  it 
  as 
  they 
  needed 
  for 
  their 
  support. 
  Under 
  

   the 
  Inca, 
  the 
  family 
  lots 
  were 
  redistributed 
  every 
  year 
  to 
  ensure 
  

   equality 
  of 
  opportunity 
  and 
  a 
  proper 
  rotation 
  of 
  the 
  crops, 
  but 
  it 
  is 
  

   not 
  certain 
  whether 
  this 
  practice 
  existed 
  before 
  the 
  Inca 
  conquest 
  

   (Acosta, 
  1940, 
  bk. 
  6, 
  ch. 
  15). 
  Before 
  the 
  Inca 
  conquest, 
  the 
  other 
  ayllu 
  

   members 
  cultivated 
  their 
  chief's 
  fields 
  and 
  probably 
  also 
  cultivated 
  

   plots 
  for 
  the 
  support 
  of 
  their 
  local 
  shrines. 
  The 
  Inca 
  systematized 
  

   this 
  division 
  of 
  land 
  by 
  setting 
  aside 
  certain 
  fields 
  in 
  each 
  community 
  

   for 
  the 
  support 
  of 
  the 
  government 
  and 
  of 
  the 
  shrines 
  (below, 
  p. 
  265). 
  

   In 
  modern 
  Indian 
  society, 
  certain 
  relatives 
  regularly 
  exchange 
  labor 
  

   on 
  a 
  man 
  for 
  man, 
  day 
  by 
  day, 
  basis, 
  a 
  custom 
  called 
  ayni 
  in 
  both 
  

   Quechua 
  and 
  Aymara 
  (see 
  pp. 
  419, 
  543). 
  The 
  practice 
  is 
  mentioned 
  

   by 
  Garcilaso 
  (1723, 
  pt. 
  1, 
  bk. 
  5, 
  chs. 
  2 
  and 
  11), 
  and 
  Gonzalez 
  Holguin 
  

   (1608, 
  under 
  *aynillamanta 
  llamcapuni), 
  so 
  we 
  may 
  assume 
  it 
  is 
  

   ancient, 
  but 
  neither 
  writer 
  gives 
  details. 
  

  

  The 
  ayllus 
  of 
  each 
  province 
  were 
  grouped 
  by 
  the 
  Inca 
  Emperors 
  

   into 
  two 
  or 
  three 
  sections 
  (saya). 
  In 
  theory, 
  the 
  grouping 
  was 
  a 
  

  

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