﻿350 
  SOUTH 
  AMERICAN 
  INDIANS 
  [B. 
  A. 
  E. 
  Bull. 
  143 
  

  

  unfavorable 
  ratio 
  of 
  labor 
  to 
  its 
  rewards 
  was 
  gradually 
  worsened 
  during 
  

   the 
  18th 
  century, 
  finding 
  expression 
  first 
  in 
  official 
  reports 
  (Juan 
  and 
  

   Ulloa, 
  1826; 
  Hoyo, 
  1917), 
  and 
  later 
  in 
  the 
  fulminating 
  rebellions 
  of 
  the 
  

   last 
  quarter 
  of 
  the 
  18th 
  century. 
  

  

  LATE 
  COLONIAL 
  QUECHUA 
  (CA. 
  1750-1821) 
  

  

  The 
  social 
  causes 
  for 
  the 
  Indian 
  rebellions 
  are 
  obvious. 
  The 
  ex- 
  

   planation 
  of 
  their 
  leadership 
  is 
  more 
  difficult. 
  It 
  is 
  partly 
  to 
  be 
  

   sought 
  in 
  the 
  growth 
  of 
  the 
  independent 
  authority 
  of 
  the 
  curacas. 
  

   Juan 
  and 
  Ulloa 
  (1826, 
  p. 
  288) 
  pointed 
  out 
  that 
  the 
  curacas, 
  with 
  their 
  

   hereditary 
  status 
  and 
  authoritarian 
  privileges, 
  were 
  enabled 
  to 
  

   accumulate 
  personal 
  fortunes. 
  Jose 
  Gabriel 
  Tupac 
  Amaru 
  was 
  by 
  

   Indian 
  standards 
  a 
  very 
  wealthy 
  man, 
  able 
  to 
  afford 
  rich 
  costumes, 
  a 
  

   retinue 
  of 
  servants, 
  and 
  the 
  many 
  appurtenances 
  of 
  dignified 
  conduct. 
  

   The 
  organization 
  of 
  the 
  rebellions 
  depended 
  upon 
  winning 
  the 
  alle- 
  

   giance 
  of 
  other 
  such 
  curacas, 
  and 
  elaborate 
  maneuvers 
  were 
  under- 
  

   taken 
  to 
  coalesce 
  the 
  forces 
  thus 
  assembled, 
  On 
  the 
  other 
  hand, 
  the 
  

   political 
  emergence 
  of 
  the 
  curacas 
  in 
  the 
  Late 
  Colonial 
  Period 
  may 
  

   also 
  depend 
  upon 
  the 
  cult 
  of 
  Inca 
  antiquity 
  which 
  had 
  long 
  existed 
  in 
  

   Colonial 
  society 
  (Romero, 
  1923 
  a), 
  but 
  suddenly, 
  circa 
  1750, 
  assumed 
  

   more 
  active 
  expressions 
  than 
  simple 
  pageantry 
  and 
  historical 
  nos- 
  

   talgia. 
  Inca 
  pageants 
  had 
  always 
  been 
  held 
  in 
  Lima. 
  One 
  is 
  re- 
  

   corded 
  in 
  1756; 
  the 
  members 
  of 
  the 
  Inca 
  imperial 
  dynasty 
  were 
  

   impersonated 
  in 
  full 
  costume 
  and 
  with 
  ceremonial 
  escorts, 
  and 
  it 
  is 
  

   not 
  surprising 
  to 
  find 
  that 
  three 
  of 
  these 
  Inca 
  impersonators 
  were 
  

   among 
  the 
  chief 
  figures 
  in 
  the 
  Revolt 
  of 
  Huarochiri 
  (Memorias, 
  1859, 
  

   4:98). 
  In 
  Cuzco, 
  the 
  wearing 
  of 
  Inca 
  costume 
  was 
  common 
  in 
  the 
  

   18th 
  century, 
  and 
  many 
  sets 
  of 
  portraits 
  of 
  the 
  dynasty 
  were 
  pre- 
  

   served 
  among 
  Indian 
  families 
  claiming 
  descent 
  from 
  the 
  ayllus 
  of 
  

   Manco 
  Capac, 
  Sinchi 
  Roca, 
  Huayna 
  Capac, 
  etc. 
  (Croix, 
  1790, 
  in 
  

   Memorias, 
  1859, 
  5: 
  172; 
  Angelis, 
  1836-37, 
  pp. 
  44-52). 
  It 
  is 
  certain, 
  

   furthermore, 
  that 
  the 
  intellectual 
  climate 
  of 
  Late 
  Colonial 
  Peru 
  was 
  

   hospitable 
  to 
  the 
  ideas 
  of 
  the 
  Enlightenment; 
  if 
  the 
  works 
  of 
  the 
  

   "philosophes" 
  were 
  not 
  actually 
  read 
  among 
  the 
  Indians, 
  their 
  

   content 
  was 
  widely 
  discussed 
  and 
  refracted 
  by 
  European 
  circles 
  

   (Hussey, 
  1942, 
  pp. 
  33-34). 
  The 
  union 
  of 
  an 
  affluent 
  Indian 
  caste, 
  

   suffering 
  nostalgia 
  for 
  lost 
  Inca 
  grandeur, 
  with 
  the 
  political 
  humani- 
  

   tarianism 
  of 
  18th-century 
  European 
  thought, 
  may 
  be 
  taken 
  to 
  afford 
  

   at 
  least 
  a 
  working 
  hypothesis 
  for 
  the 
  problem 
  of 
  leadership. 
  

  

  The 
  social 
  and 
  economic 
  life 
  of 
  the 
  Indians 
  underwent 
  deep 
  changes 
  

   after 
  the 
  episode 
  of 
  the 
  rebellions. 
  The 
  mining 
  enterprises 
  of 
  Upper 
  

   Peru, 
  now 
  two 
  centuries 
  old, 
  were 
  gradually 
  abandoned, 
  falling 
  into 
  a 
  

   desuetude 
  from 
  which 
  they 
  were 
  revived 
  only 
  in 
  the 
  19th 
  century 
  by 
  

   English 
  capital 
  (Willcox, 
  1921, 
  pp. 
  644-645). 
  It 
  is 
  inaccurate 
  to 
  assign 
  

   the 
  decay 
  of 
  the 
  mining 
  economy 
  directly 
  to 
  Indian 
  rebellions; 
  the 
  

  

  