﻿Vol.2] 
  CONTEMPORARY 
  QUECHUA 
  — 
  MISHKIN 
  423 
  

  

  Inca 
  system, 
  for 
  each 
  son 
  the 
  couple 
  was 
  granted 
  another 
  topo 
  and 
  for 
  

   each 
  daughter, 
  one-half. 
  Today, 
  in 
  the 
  Department 
  of 
  Cuzco, 
  the 
  

   topo 
  is 
  taken 
  as 
  an 
  inexact 
  measure 
  of 
  land, 
  some 
  44 
  yards 
  (40m.) 
  

   wide 
  by 
  88 
  yards 
  (80 
  m.) 
  long, 
  about 
  3,782 
  square 
  yards 
  (3,140 
  sq. 
  m.). 
  

   Another 
  measure 
  rather 
  widely 
  used 
  is 
  the 
  cunca, 
  7 
  yards 
  (6 
  m.) 
  wide 
  

   by 
  17 
  yards 
  (15 
  m.) 
  long. 
  Again, 
  the 
  measure 
  of 
  masa 
  is 
  used, 
  which 
  

   comprises 
  the 
  amount 
  of 
  land 
  a 
  team 
  of 
  three 
  (two 
  men 
  with 
  digging 
  

   sticks 
  and 
  a 
  third 
  worker 
  who 
  turns 
  the 
  clods) 
  can 
  plow 
  from 
  sunrise 
  to 
  

   sundown. 
  

  

  One 
  observer 
  puts 
  the 
  average 
  Quechua 
  landholding 
  in 
  the 
  valley 
  of 
  

   Cuzco 
  at 
  1 
  topo 
  of 
  land 
  in 
  maize, 
  1 
  topo 
  in 
  potatoes, 
  and, 
  occasionally, 
  

   a 
  third 
  in 
  wheat 
  (Palma, 
  1940, 
  p. 
  541). 
  From 
  my 
  own 
  observations 
  

   in 
  Kauri, 
  a 
  family 
  plot 
  in 
  one 
  section 
  might 
  average 
  around 
  65 
  feet 
  by 
  

   200 
  to 
  265 
  feet 
  (about 
  20 
  by 
  60 
  to 
  80 
  m.). 
  Other 
  plots 
  are 
  no 
  larger 
  

   than 
  a 
  cunca 
  while, 
  in 
  the 
  other 
  extreme, 
  a 
  relatively 
  sizeable 
  plot 
  

   might 
  measure 
  265 
  feet 
  by 
  265 
  feet 
  (80 
  by 
  80 
  m.). 
  A 
  brief 
  survey 
  

   in 
  the 
  District 
  of 
  Ceatcca 
  revealed 
  that 
  the 
  average 
  family 
  landhold- 
  

   ing 
  amounted 
  to 
  two 
  to 
  three 
  masas 
  per 
  section, 
  that 
  is 
  to 
  say, 
  enough 
  

   land 
  to 
  provide 
  a 
  day's 
  work 
  for 
  two 
  or 
  three 
  plowing 
  teams. 
  

  

  The 
  average 
  yield 
  is 
  even 
  more 
  difficult 
  to 
  ascertain. 
  Palma 
  

   (1940, 
  p. 
  541) 
  generalizes 
  that 
  the 
  average 
  Quechua 
  family 
  of 
  Cuzco 
  

   does 
  not 
  produce 
  more 
  than 
  4.8 
  or 
  6.4 
  bushels 
  (3 
  or 
  4 
  fanegas) 
  of 
  

   maize 
  (fanega=1.6 
  bu.), 
  38.4 
  or 
  51.2 
  bushels 
  (6 
  or 
  8 
  cargas) 
  of 
  pota- 
  

   toes 
  (carga=4 
  fanegas), 
  and 
  perhaps 
  1.6 
  bushels 
  (1 
  fanega) 
  of 
  wheat. 
  

   In 
  Kauri 
  it 
  was 
  noted 
  that 
  the 
  potato 
  yields 
  ran 
  to 
  about 
  30 
  llama 
  

   loads 
  the 
  masa. 
  This 
  community, 
  generally 
  speaking, 
  is 
  far 
  from 
  

   being 
  prosperous, 
  while, 
  on 
  the 
  other 
  hand, 
  it 
  would 
  not 
  be 
  classed 
  

   among 
  the 
  most 
  impoverished. 
  Approximate 
  calculations 
  in 
  Kauri 
  

   would 
  suggest 
  that 
  20 
  percent 
  of 
  the 
  families 
  are 
  in 
  a 
  position 
  to 
  

   produce 
  a 
  surplus 
  for 
  a 
  money 
  market. 
  Half 
  the 
  community 
  live 
  

   on 
  the 
  margin 
  of 
  subsistence. 
  A 
  final 
  30 
  percent 
  are 
  not 
  able 
  to 
  

   harvest 
  sufficient 
  produce 
  to 
  satisfy 
  their 
  own 
  needs 
  and 
  slowly 
  are 
  

   being 
  compelled 
  to 
  surrender 
  their 
  tiny 
  holdings 
  to 
  seek 
  a 
  livelihood 
  

   elsewhere. 
  Population 
  pressure 
  and 
  artificial 
  land 
  shortage 
  have 
  

   driven 
  large 
  numbers 
  of 
  Indians 
  all 
  over 
  Peru 
  to 
  the 
  cities, 
  to 
  the 
  

   mines, 
  and 
  to 
  the 
  haciendas 
  as 
  farm 
  laborers 
  and 
  sharecroppers. 
  

  

  Those 
  Indians 
  who 
  find 
  their 
  way 
  to 
  the 
  haciendas 
  to 
  rent 
  land 
  

   or 
  to 
  seek 
  work 
  as 
  farm 
  laborers 
  are 
  drawn 
  into 
  complex 
  economic 
  

   relationships, 
  some 
  of 
  which 
  are 
  of 
  pre-Columbian 
  origin. 
  Those 
  

   who 
  are 
  able 
  to 
  rent 
  a 
  parcel 
  of 
  land 
  in 
  an 
  hacienda 
  on 
  a 
  cash 
  basis 
  

   retain 
  a 
  certain 
  independence. 
  However, 
  rentals 
  for 
  fixed 
  fees 
  are 
  rare 
  

   in 
  Peru 
  except 
  in 
  the 
  case 
  of 
  Mestizos 
  and 
  Whites 
  who 
  rent 
  an 
  entire 
  

   finca 
  or 
  hacienda. 
  In 
  some 
  districts 
  of 
  Cuzco, 
  land 
  rentals 
  for 
  cash 
  

   are 
  arranged 
  in 
  the 
  following 
  way: 
  A 
  verbal 
  contract 
  is 
  made, 
  renew- 
  

   able 
  each 
  year. 
  The 
  extension 
  of 
  land 
  may 
  be 
  specified, 
  and 
  the 
  

  

  