﻿442 
  SOUTH 
  AMERICAN 
  INDIANS 
  [B. 
  A. 
  E. 
  Bull. 
  143 
  

  

  while 
  others 
  are 
  regarded 
  as 
  newcomers. 
  The 
  loyalty 
  of 
  the 
  new- 
  

   comers 
  is 
  not 
  suspect, 
  nor 
  is 
  there 
  any 
  discrimination 
  practiced 
  

   against 
  them. 
  There 
  is 
  rather 
  a 
  subtle 
  social 
  distinction 
  maintained 
  

   between 
  the 
  two 
  components 
  of 
  the 
  community. 
  

  

  The 
  normal-functioning 
  Quechua 
  community 
  exhibits 
  strong 
  group 
  

   feeling. 
  Defense 
  of 
  community 
  lands 
  against 
  encroachments 
  of 
  the 
  

   hacienda 
  is 
  a 
  rallying 
  point 
  for 
  all 
  the 
  inhabitants. 
  Even 
  with 
  grow- 
  

   ing 
  individualization 
  in 
  the 
  ownership 
  of 
  land, 
  the 
  loss 
  of 
  land 
  by 
  one 
  

   member 
  of 
  the 
  community 
  is 
  still 
  regarded 
  as 
  a 
  community 
  calamity. 
  

   The 
  whole 
  group 
  feels 
  weakened 
  thereby 
  and 
  considers 
  its 
  future 
  secu- 
  

   rity 
  endangered. 
  In 
  addition, 
  the 
  various 
  family 
  units 
  which 
  make 
  up 
  

   the 
  community 
  are 
  united 
  by 
  kinship 
  ties 
  resulting 
  from 
  intermar- 
  

   riage. 
  These 
  ties 
  exercise 
  considerable 
  weight 
  in 
  fortifying 
  the 
  com- 
  

   mon 
  economic 
  interests 
  of 
  the 
  group. 
  Cooperation 
  in 
  the 
  perform- 
  

   ance 
  of 
  many 
  day-to-day 
  tasks, 
  discussed 
  above 
  under 
  the 
  heading 
  

   of 
  aine 
  (p. 
  419), 
  further 
  adds 
  to 
  group 
  cohesion. 
  Eeligious 
  expression 
  

   in 
  the 
  fiestas 
  and 
  in 
  the 
  practice 
  of 
  magic 
  ritual 
  not 
  only 
  requires 
  group 
  

   participation 
  but 
  reveals, 
  as 
  well, 
  a 
  sense 
  of 
  community 
  responsi- 
  

   bility. 
  

  

  It 
  is 
  only 
  when 
  the 
  community 
  has 
  been 
  completely 
  disrupted 
  by 
  

   outside 
  economic 
  pressures 
  that 
  this 
  characteristic 
  solidarity 
  dis- 
  

   appears. 
  In 
  North 
  Peru, 
  and 
  in 
  the 
  Departments 
  of 
  Cuzco 
  and 
  Puno, 
  

   the 
  process 
  of 
  land 
  diminution 
  is 
  reaching 
  the 
  stage 
  which 
  threatens 
  

   the 
  existence 
  of 
  the 
  community 
  itself. 
  The 
  communities 
  are 
  no 
  longer 
  

   able 
  to 
  unite 
  for 
  defense. 
  Then, 
  kinship 
  obligations 
  begin 
  to 
  break 
  

   down. 
  The 
  landholdings 
  are 
  so 
  reduced 
  in 
  size 
  that 
  mutual 
  assist- 
  

   ance 
  to 
  work 
  them 
  is 
  no 
  longer 
  necessary. 
  Poverty 
  compels 
  the 
  in- 
  

   habitants 
  to 
  put 
  an 
  end 
  to 
  a 
  great 
  deal 
  of 
  ceremonialism; 
  social 
  life 
  is 
  

   neglected. 
  In 
  the 
  end, 
  the 
  political 
  structure 
  of 
  the 
  community 
  be- 
  

   comes 
  functionless, 
  and 
  those 
  who 
  still 
  retain 
  their 
  land 
  reside 
  on 
  it 
  as 
  

   individual 
  farmers 
  unconnected 
  with 
  any 
  social 
  unit. 
  

  

  In 
  some 
  places, 
  however, 
  a 
  new 
  process 
  of 
  integration 
  is 
  manifest. 
  

   Individual 
  farmers 
  in 
  central 
  Peru 
  have 
  banded 
  together 
  to 
  found 
  

   communities 
  as 
  a 
  means 
  of 
  defense 
  against 
  the 
  haciendas. 
  These 
  new 
  

   communities, 
  which 
  are 
  usually 
  incorporated, 
  have 
  little 
  in 
  common 
  

   with 
  the 
  traditional 
  Quechua 
  community. 
  They 
  are 
  sophisticated 
  

   unions 
  created 
  to 
  take 
  advantage 
  of 
  their 
  legal 
  status. 
  There 
  is 
  also 
  

   the 
  case 
  of 
  Muquiyanyo 
  (Castro 
  Pozo, 
  1924, 
  pp. 
  63-68), 
  which 
  has 
  

   developed 
  a 
  modern 
  cooperative 
  organization 
  both 
  of 
  the 
  consumer 
  

   and 
  producer 
  type, 
  offering 
  credit 
  facilities 
  to 
  its 
  members. 
  

  

  The 
  Quechua 
  community 
  usually 
  tends 
  to 
  be 
  endogamous. 
  Where 
  

   marrying 
  out 
  of 
  the 
  community 
  occurs, 
  residence 
  is 
  likely 
  to 
  be 
  patri- 
  

   local. 
  Endogamy 
  is, 
  of 
  course, 
  a 
  highly 
  desirable 
  institution 
  for 
  agri- 
  

   culturists 
  living 
  in 
  constant 
  fear 
  of 
  losing 
  their 
  land, 
  or 
  of 
  being 
  in- 
  

   vaded 
  by 
  outsiders 
  who 
  will 
  further 
  diminish 
  the 
  extent 
  of 
  available 
  

  

  