﻿Vol.2] 
  CONTEMPORARY 
  QUECHUA 
  — 
  MISHKIN 
  451 
  

  

  his 
  immediate 
  household 
  can 
  perform 
  the 
  necessary 
  acts. 
  The 
  

   fiestas, 
  however, 
  are 
  elaborately 
  organized 
  and 
  require 
  the 
  cooper- 
  

   ation 
  of 
  a 
  large 
  number 
  of 
  people. 
  Members 
  of 
  the 
  family 
  are 
  seldom 
  

   loath 
  to 
  lend 
  support. 
  They 
  are 
  motivated 
  not 
  only 
  by 
  fulfilling 
  the 
  

   family 
  obligation 
  but 
  because 
  they 
  reap 
  some 
  reward 
  as 
  well 
  — 
  in 
  the 
  

   form 
  of 
  social 
  recognition 
  and 
  supernatural 
  protection. 
  

  

  Despite 
  the 
  tendency 
  for 
  the 
  family 
  structure 
  to 
  remain 
  intact, 
  the 
  

   Quechua 
  family 
  has 
  not 
  escaped 
  the 
  effects 
  of 
  the 
  disintegrating 
  proc- 
  

   ess 
  that 
  has 
  crushed 
  the 
  community. 
  The 
  cases 
  in 
  which 
  family 
  

   unity 
  has 
  grown 
  are 
  in 
  the 
  minority. 
  More 
  commonly, 
  the 
  extended 
  

   family 
  has 
  not 
  withstood 
  the 
  attack 
  of 
  modern 
  economic 
  conditions. 
  

   As 
  land 
  shortage 
  and 
  poverty 
  increase, 
  the 
  number 
  of 
  disunited 
  fam- 
  

   ilies 
  increase. 
  In 
  the 
  absence 
  of 
  any 
  strong 
  cohesive 
  force, 
  family 
  

   ties 
  are 
  easily 
  broken 
  and 
  kinship 
  obligations 
  go 
  by 
  the 
  board. 
  The 
  

   authority 
  of 
  the 
  head 
  of 
  the 
  family 
  is 
  so 
  weakened 
  that 
  common 
  

   action 
  is 
  nearly 
  impossible 
  to 
  achieve. 
  (See 
  Castro 
  Pozo, 
  1924, 
  

   pp. 
  70-71.) 
  

  

  In 
  addition, 
  the 
  family 
  has 
  fewer 
  economic 
  and 
  political 
  functions 
  

   to 
  perform 
  in 
  recent 
  years. 
  The 
  usurpation 
  of 
  the 
  community's 
  

   power 
  (see 
  section 
  on 
  the 
  community, 
  p. 
  441) 
  by 
  the 
  district 
  organi- 
  

   zation 
  of 
  the 
  prefecture 
  leaves 
  little 
  authority 
  in 
  the 
  hands 
  of 
  the 
  

   community 
  or 
  family. 
  The 
  family 
  as 
  a 
  self-contained 
  unit 
  based 
  

   upon 
  an 
  all-embracing 
  sexual 
  division 
  of 
  labor 
  does 
  not 
  give 
  a 
  true 
  

   picture 
  of 
  the 
  modern 
  Quechua 
  family. 
  The 
  Indian 
  has 
  become 
  de- 
  

   pendent 
  on 
  the 
  money 
  economy, 
  and 
  a 
  large 
  part 
  of 
  his 
  production 
  

   is 
  sent 
  to 
  the 
  market. 
  Specialization 
  of 
  production, 
  always 
  present 
  

   to 
  a 
  certain 
  degree, 
  is 
  now 
  one 
  of 
  the 
  dominant 
  factors 
  in 
  Quechua 
  

   economics. 
  The 
  family, 
  therefore, 
  supplies 
  fewer 
  of 
  the 
  basic 
  neces- 
  

   sities 
  of 
  life 
  than 
  it 
  has 
  in 
  the 
  past. 
  

  

  What 
  is 
  true 
  of 
  the 
  agrarian 
  Quechua 
  family 
  is 
  even 
  truer 
  of 
  those 
  

   families 
  that 
  migrate 
  to 
  the 
  cities. 
  Under 
  urban 
  conditions, 
  the 
  

   family 
  undergoes 
  even 
  greater 
  atomization. 
  Family 
  life 
  of 
  the 
  town 
  

   Quechua 
  is 
  comparable 
  in 
  all 
  respects 
  to 
  family 
  life 
  in 
  modern 
  indus- 
  

   trialized 
  society. 
  The 
  Indian 
  participates 
  in 
  the 
  new 
  associations 
  

   that 
  are 
  usually 
  a 
  part 
  of 
  civic 
  life. 
  The 
  family 
  is 
  subordinated 
  to 
  

   the 
  other 
  institutions 
  that 
  have, 
  in 
  a 
  large 
  measure, 
  replaced 
  it 
  econom- 
  

   ically 
  and 
  politically. 
  

  

  Kinship. 
  — 
  Quechua 
  kinship 
  terms 
  have 
  been 
  markedly 
  influenced 
  

   by 
  Spanish. 
  However, 
  the 
  rise 
  of 
  Spanish 
  relationship 
  terms 
  does 
  

   not 
  always 
  mean 
  that 
  the 
  Quechua 
  equivalents 
  have 
  been 
  forgotten. 
  

   Rather, 
  many 
  families 
  will 
  know 
  both 
  the 
  Spanish 
  and 
  Quechua 
  term 
  

   of 
  address 
  expressing 
  a 
  particular 
  relationship 
  but 
  will 
  prefer 
  the 
  

   Spanish 
  term. 
  So, 
  for 
  example, 
  in 
  Kauri 
  the 
  Spanish 
  term, 
  "yerna," 
  

   for 
  daughter-in-law 
  is 
  widely 
  used, 
  but 
  the 
  Quechua 
  qachoni 
  is 
  known 
  

   and 
  is 
  sometimes 
  substituted 
  for 
  yerna. 
  There 
  are 
  some 
  families 
  

  

  