﻿Vol.2] 
  THE 
  AYMARA 
  — 
  TSCHOPIK 
  543 
  

  

  each 
  conjugal 
  family 
  having 
  its 
  own 
  cluster 
  of 
  houses. 
  When 
  a 
  son 
  

   marries, 
  he 
  is 
  given 
  land 
  within 
  the 
  family's 
  compound 
  on 
  which 
  to 
  

   build 
  a 
  house. 
  A 
  married 
  daughter 
  leaves 
  her 
  father's 
  compound, 
  but 
  

   usually 
  lives 
  in 
  the 
  same 
  ayllu, 
  often 
  nearby. 
  

  

  Domestic 
  authority 
  is 
  invested 
  in 
  the 
  old 
  man 
  and 
  his 
  brothers. 
  

   The 
  eldest 
  male 
  in 
  the 
  family 
  is 
  theoretically 
  the 
  leader, 
  but 
  vital 
  

   family 
  affairs 
  are 
  discussed 
  among 
  the 
  male 
  household 
  heads 
  (utani) 
  , 
  

   while 
  the 
  women's 
  opinion 
  is 
  usually 
  also 
  sought. 
  

  

  Relatively 
  few 
  family 
  names 
  occur 
  in 
  any 
  ayllu; 
  most 
  are 
  untrans- 
  

   latable, 
  although 
  many 
  refer 
  to 
  natural 
  phenomena 
  such 
  as 
  "cloud," 
  

   "silver," 
  "hawk," 
  "condor," 
  "puma," 
  "snake," 
  "fire," 
  and 
  "tobacco." 
  

   Often 
  the 
  locality 
  of 
  an 
  extended 
  family 
  takes 
  its 
  name 
  from 
  the 
  male 
  

   tunu 
  in 
  the 
  paternal 
  lineage. 
  The 
  tunu, 
  the 
  most 
  remote 
  ancestors 
  

   who 
  are 
  remembered, 
  are 
  traced 
  in 
  both 
  the 
  male 
  and 
  female 
  lines. 
  

   They 
  are 
  recalled 
  chiefly 
  with 
  reference 
  to 
  proposed 
  marriages 
  and 
  

   disputes 
  over 
  land 
  ownership. 
  There 
  is 
  no 
  special 
  class 
  of 
  individuals 
  

   who 
  have 
  the 
  responsibility 
  of 
  remembering 
  these 
  geneologies. 
  

  

  The 
  extended 
  family 
  cooperates 
  as 
  a 
  whole 
  in 
  agriculture, 
  when 
  

   an 
  elaborate 
  system 
  of 
  reciprocal 
  obligations, 
  called 
  aini, 
  exists. 
  A 
  

   man 
  exchanges 
  labor 
  in 
  the 
  fields 
  with 
  his 
  father, 
  paternal 
  uncles, 
  

   their 
  sons, 
  his 
  brothers, 
  their 
  sons, 
  his 
  own 
  sons, 
  and, 
  today, 
  with 
  his 
  

   sisters, 
  daughters, 
  and 
  some 
  maternal 
  relatives. 
  He 
  cooperates 
  to 
  a 
  

   lesser 
  degree 
  with 
  his 
  wife's 
  father 
  and 
  her 
  brothers. 
  A 
  woman's 
  first 
  

   obligations 
  are 
  to 
  her 
  husband; 
  her 
  own 
  family 
  comes 
  second. 
  Each 
  

   day 
  that 
  she 
  works 
  for 
  her 
  father-in-law 
  or 
  her 
  brother-in-law 
  cancels 
  

   a 
  day 
  of 
  her 
  husband's 
  aini 
  indebtedness 
  to 
  them. 
  Sons 
  and 
  daughters 
  

   work 
  for 
  their 
  fathers 
  without 
  exchanging 
  labor 
  until 
  marriage. 
  

   Substitution 
  is 
  possible 
  under 
  the 
  aini 
  system; 
  a 
  man, 
  if 
  unable 
  to 
  

   fulfill 
  his 
  obligations, 
  may 
  send 
  a 
  brother 
  or 
  married 
  son 
  in 
  his 
  place, 
  

   provided 
  he 
  repay 
  this 
  person 
  with 
  the 
  required 
  number 
  of 
  days' 
  work. 
  

  

  The 
  extended 
  family 
  unites 
  to 
  hold 
  certain 
  rites 
  for 
  the 
  benefit 
  

   of 
  the 
  crops 
  (see 
  Farming, 
  p. 
  518) 
  and 
  for 
  animal-increase 
  ceremonies. 
  

   (See 
  Domesticated 
  Animals, 
  p. 
  520.) 
  The 
  members 
  also 
  act 
  as 
  a 
  unit 
  

   to 
  counteract 
  the 
  bewitchment 
  of 
  a 
  relative 
  and 
  to 
  apprehend 
  a 
  thief 
  

   or 
  a 
  murderer. 
  Although 
  blood 
  revenge 
  is 
  now 
  largely 
  obsolete, 
  there 
  

   are 
  some 
  cases 
  where 
  the 
  members 
  of 
  an 
  extended 
  family 
  have 
  driven 
  

   an 
  unsuccessful 
  doctor 
  who 
  lost 
  a 
  patient 
  out 
  of 
  the 
  community. 
  

  

  Marriage. 
  — 
  Although 
  polygyny 
  was 
  practiced 
  in 
  pre-Spanish 
  

   times 
  by 
  certain 
  members 
  of 
  the 
  aristocracy, 
  monogamy 
  seems 
  to 
  have 
  

   been 
  the 
  rule 
  then 
  and 
  is 
  customary 
  now. 
  No 
  reliable 
  comparative 
  

   statistics 
  are 
  available 
  for 
  ages 
  at 
  marriage. 
  In 
  Chucuito, 
  both 
  sexes 
  

   usually 
  marry 
  at 
  about 
  20 
  years 
  of 
  age; 
  Cuentas, 
  however, 
  states 
  that, 
  

   in 
  the 
  vicinity 
  of 
  Juli, 
  women 
  marry 
  at 
  14 
  and 
  men 
  at 
  16 
  or 
  18 
  (Cuen- 
  

   tas, 
  1928). 
  

  

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