﻿726 
  SOUTH 
  AMERICAN 
  INDIANS 
  [B. 
  A. 
  E. 
  Bull. 
  143 
  

  

  in 
  out 
  sources. 
  According 
  to 
  one 
  witness 
  (cited 
  by 
  Latcham, 
  1922 
  b, 
  

   p. 
  363), 
  no 
  one 
  cavi 
  was 
  subject 
  to 
  any 
  other 
  cavi; 
  according 
  to 
  Marino 
  

   de 
  Lovera 
  (1865, 
  p. 
  140), 
  the 
  heads 
  of 
  the 
  machullas 
  were 
  subject 
  to 
  

   the 
  head 
  of 
  the 
  cabl 
  which 
  the 
  machullas 
  constituted. 
  Given 
  the 
  

   general 
  democratic 
  decentralized 
  pattern 
  of 
  Mapuche-Huilliche 
  polit- 
  

   ical 
  life, 
  we 
  may 
  be 
  reasonably 
  confident 
  that 
  such 
  "subjection" 
  of 
  

   smaller 
  to 
  larger 
  unit 
  in 
  the 
  political 
  hierarchy 
  as 
  may 
  have 
  existed 
  

   must 
  have 
  been 
  close 
  to 
  purely 
  nominal. 
  

  

  Each 
  small 
  "farming 
  community" 
  of 
  three 
  to 
  seven 
  or 
  more 
  huts 
  

   (cf 
  . 
  supra 
  under 
  Settlements) 
  had 
  its 
  own 
  headman, 
  a 
  richer 
  or 
  older 
  

   man 
  or 
  a 
  descendant 
  of 
  caciques. 
  (Ascasubi, 
  1846, 
  p. 
  355; 
  cf. 
  Marino 
  

   de 
  Lovera, 
  1865, 
  pp. 
  124, 
  140.) 
  Luis 
  de 
  Valdivia 
  (1887, 
  s. 
  v.) 
  defined 
  

   cuga 
  (kuga) 
  not 
  only 
  as 
  a 
  lineage 
  and 
  as 
  the 
  name 
  thereof, 
  but 
  also 
  

   as 
  "la 
  cabe^a 
  de 
  parientes, 
  el 
  que 
  es 
  como 
  cacique, 
  e 
  indio 
  principal." 
  

   Kosales 
  (1877-78, 
  1:137) 
  states 
  that 
  the 
  "caciques," 
  who 
  with 
  the 
  

   "toquies" 
  are 
  the 
  only 
  persons 
  of 
  dignity, 
  were 
  "las 
  cabezas 
  de 
  las 
  

   familias 
  y 
  linajes, 
  de 
  modo 
  que 
  no 
  tiene 
  un 
  cacique 
  que 
  le 
  reconozca 
  

   mas 
  de 
  los 
  de 
  su 
  linage." 
  How 
  and 
  where 
  these 
  headmen 
  of 
  farming 
  

   communities 
  and 
  heads 
  of 
  families 
  or 
  kinship 
  groups 
  fitted 
  into 
  the 
  

   political 
  hierarchy 
  above 
  outlined 
  is 
  not 
  clear 
  from 
  our 
  sources. 
  The 
  

   facts 
  we 
  have 
  seem 
  best 
  explained 
  on 
  the 
  provisional 
  hypothesis 
  that 
  

   the 
  small 
  farming 
  communities, 
  and 
  perhaps 
  clusters 
  of 
  such 
  communi- 
  

   ties, 
  constituting 
  machullas 
  and 
  cavls 
  respectively, 
  were 
  exclusively 
  

   or 
  preponderantly 
  made 
  up 
  of 
  closely 
  related 
  kin. 
  

  

  In 
  the 
  course 
  of 
  time, 
  particularly 
  after 
  the 
  beginning 
  of 
  the 
  

   19th 
  century, 
  a 
  certain 
  increase 
  of 
  executive 
  and 
  judicial 
  power 
  and 
  

   authority 
  accrued 
  to 
  peacetime 
  headmen 
  of 
  the 
  different 
  ranks, 
  and 
  

   the 
  earlier 
  atomistic 
  peacetime 
  political 
  structure 
  assumed 
  somewhat 
  

   greater 
  unity, 
  cohesion, 
  and 
  hierarchization. 
  But 
  the 
  basic 
  democratic 
  

   forms 
  and 
  functions 
  persisted 
  largely 
  intact. 
  (For 
  military 
  organiza- 
  

   tion, 
  see 
  infra 
  under 
  Warfare.) 
  

  

  Law 
  and 
  legal 
  procedure. 
  — 
  The 
  chief 
  crimes 
  recognized 
  were 
  adult- 
  

   ery 
  and 
  wife-stealing, 
  murder, 
  theft, 
  homicidal 
  sorcery, 
  and 
  treason. 
  

   The 
  offended 
  party 
  and 
  his 
  kin 
  dealt 
  with 
  the 
  offender; 
  in 
  earlier 
  times, 
  

   headmen 
  and 
  other 
  caciques 
  had 
  little 
  or 
  no 
  authority 
  to 
  try 
  cases 
  or 
  

   to 
  pronounce 
  judgment. 
  Adultery, 
  murder, 
  and 
  sorcery 
  were 
  

   punishable 
  by 
  death, 
  and 
  sometimes 
  were 
  actually 
  so 
  punished; 
  but, 
  

   more 
  commonly, 
  in 
  cases 
  of 
  adultery 
  and 
  murder, 
  composition 
  was 
  

   resorted 
  to, 
  with 
  payment 
  of 
  strings 
  of 
  lla^kas, 
  10 
  such 
  strings 
  for 
  one 
  

   death. 
  Marcgrav 
  (1648, 
  p. 
  287) 
  states 
  that 
  the 
  sorcerer 
  was 
  burnt 
  

   alive 
  — 
  as 
  is 
  also 
  recorded 
  among 
  the 
  Argentine 
  Araucanians 
  by 
  

   Barbara 
  (1930, 
  p. 
  44). 
  (Cf. 
  similar 
  Chiriguano 
  treatment 
  of 
  sorcerers, 
  

   and 
  Molina, 
  1901, 
  p. 
  154, 
  on 
  torture 
  of 
  sorcerers 
  to 
  force 
  revelation 
  

   of 
  accomplices. 
  For 
  fuller 
  details 
  on 
  law 
  and 
  judicial 
  procedure, 
  cf., 
  

   e. 
  g., 
  Guevara 
  Silva, 
  1904, 
  pp. 
  40-59.) 
  

  

  