1896. | in the Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 5 
H.-c., iv, 398, especially authorises the retention of the r in druk in the 
Western Paijab, where Apabhramga was spoken; and in iv, 396 allows 
the k to be retained, or changed to g,! instead of the elision which we 
should expect in Prakrit. 
The second or d group, shows that the root took the suffix da, so that 
dauré, &c., must be referred to a low Sanskrit *dr-ava-da-ti. Finally, 
the Naipali form dugur, is an instance of both suffixes, which (H.-c., iv, 
430) may be used together in the same word. Duguré, represents a low 
Sanskrit form * dr-ava-ka-da-tt. 
Other instances of these pleonastic suffixes occur in Prakrit, in 
forming causals. Thus we have? bhamadéi (beside the regular bhama- 
- ver) causal of 4/ bhram ‘roam’ (H.-c., iii, 151; iv, 30, 161), tamddai, 
‘he causes to roam’ (H.-c., iv, 30), dharnsdidai, ‘ he looses’ (H.-c., iv, 91). 
We also find them in the case of other modern vernacular verbs, as 
wellas ,/daur, though the lessons obtained from them are not so complete. 
Thus modern / thahal or thahar, ‘wait’ (Skr. ,/stha@), ./ langar, 
‘limp’ (Skr. / lang), »/ ghapat ‘spring upon’ (Skr. ,/ jhamp), and 
many others in which a pleonastic J, 7, d, or even ¢ has been added 
(Cf. Hoernle, Gd. Gr., 178). 
The above remarks make the origin of these irregular causal suffixes, 
and also of the irregular Rajputani (Marwari) Passive in r-7j, clear. 
These suffixes are specially common in Sanskrit in the case of Denomi- 
native verbs, and, the close connexion between Causals, Denominatives, 
and Passives need not be insisted upon. The pleonastic character of 
the suffixes is shown by their use in the I. A. V’s. They are most com- 
monly added to monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel, i.e., the roots 
which are weakest in form, and require the strengthening given of a 
consonant. In other cases, their use is almost optional. H.g., H. has 
/ sikh-Gas well as 4/stkh-l-d, ,/ dikh-G, ‘cause to see,’ as well as 
dikh-l-G, and so on. Finally their apparently capricious use, sometimes 
preceding, and sometimes following the true causal suffix, is strongly 
characteristic of their pleonastic character. 
As regards the derivation of each of these modern suffixes, I con- 
“nect the J with the Pr. lla. The Kacgmiri ana, may be the Skr. anya 
(used for forming denominatives), or it may be derived from the Pr. 
lla. The d and r forms, are naturally to be referred to the Pr. da, from 
which, moreover, it is possible that the J forms are also derived. 
1 Cf. Skr. dag (da-ga-ti), gamané. 
@ Also quoted by Hoernle, Gd, Gr., 321. 
