A HISTORY OF HERTFORDSHIRE 



might be made, nor would they ever claim these rights in future." In I 341 

 the jury indicted the abbot and others, both monks and laymen, on the 

 ground that in 1331 they had imprisoned William son of John the Marshal, 

 and John his son and many others, until they promised to give these 

 bonds under penalties of 20 marks or £10.^° 



One or two of these men are notable. Richard de Tring had been one 

 of the pledges of Robert de Limbury " ; perhaps he was important enough 

 to be worthy of a specific bond, Gilbert de Hertford was one of the richest 

 burgesses; prosperous too was William son of John the Marshal, presumably 

 the victim of about 1328.^- If these men represent the leaders of the 

 burgesses, the movement for the charters had money behind it. 



The most remarkable part of the affair is the villein organization. If 

 one employs a superficial likeness, one may compare it with that of a modern 

 strike. The paid leaders conducted it with inspiration from London. London 

 was closely connected with the solid union of the townsmen in 1327.*' In 

 1338 it was a sheriff and future mayor who appeared for them. To whom 

 in London the villeins applied for advice we cannot know, but there is strong 

 indication that the Londoners deliberately helped the deliberate attempt of 

 the men of St. Albans. We know from the history of Lollardry the capacity 

 of mediaeval popular organizations to disappear. How much is certain as to 

 the working of the Peasants' Revolt or of the Lollards ? 



The villein organizers were backed by a common fund. The commune 

 eventually sank under the charges and collections for common business and 

 ' for remunerating their helpers and organizers' i^fautoribus et conductoribus) .^ 

 The whole story shows the villeins as astonishingly able for organized action. 



Political consciousness was the result, but the motive was economic. 

 To be free men or free burgesses was necessary to merchants and craftsmen. 

 From this need flow all the demands of the townsmen : the appearance of 

 the town as a community before the justices, the common fund and council 

 and officials" ; above all, the representation by two members of Parliament. 



The economic claim has another interesting aspect. The villeins wanted 

 much that applied to a rural community — the rights of common and the 

 grinding of corn — and these are the articles which were common to Barnet 

 and Wattord. Industrial and commercial questions were also involved in the 

 question of status, but these were raised only at St. Albans. The fulling of 

 cloth is one instance. Payment of tolls and stallage were probably also 

 disputed at St. Albans ; in 1332 the burgesses bound themselves to pay. 



The failure of the burgesses, like their success, was a matter of money. 

 The case of St. Albans helps to show why other tenants of the abbey were 

 equally at variance with the abbot. 



Wherever the tenants of the abbey were strong enough they struggled 

 with the abbot. At Watford, in 13 13, the tenants ' forcibly ' fished in the 

 abbot's private waters, and were duly sued for it.*' In 1300 a bad affair 

 occurred at Barnet. The abbot charged his tenant with throwing down his 

 ditch and burning his hedge. One defendant said that the abbot had inclosed 



79 



Chan. Misc. bdle. 64, file 5, no. 198. ** Assize R. 337, m. 7. 



*' See above. *- Lay Subi. R. Herts, bdle. 120, no. 11 ; c£ As,ize R. 337, m. 7. 



83 See above ; Walsingham, op. cit. ii, 155, 222. " Walsingham, op. cit ii, 215. 



** Ibid. ** Pat. 7 Edw. II, pt. i, m. 7 d. ; Walsingham, loc. cit. 



180 



