RELIGIOUS HOUSES 



doorkeeper and cellarer and made his hand so 

 much felt that the abbot paid 600 marks to be 

 free of him.^ In the same year the king by 

 Richard Marsh demanded an aid of 500 marks, 

 which the abbot dared not refuse.* 



The abbot fell ill in 12 14, and, knowing his 

 end was near, had himself helped into the 

 chapter-house, where he begged the convent's 

 pardon for his offences and insisted on receiving 

 discipline from all. When he had bidden them 

 farewell, he was carried to his room, and there he 

 died three days later, as he had predicted from 

 his symptoms.^" Good and pious ^ as he un- 

 doubtedly was, he was perhaps not an ideal 

 abbot. He seems to have depended too much 

 on advisers, who were not always well chosen. 

 Roger de Hertfort, John de Seldford and 

 Alexander de Langley were flatterers and mis- 

 chief-makers, and by their means, sometimes 

 without the abbot's knowledge, monks who 

 had committed no fault were removed from St. 

 Albans to the cells and from one cell to 

 another.^* Sometimes, of course, the banished 

 had only themselves to blame for their sentence. 

 When Walter de Standune, Almaric and others 

 accused the abbot to the papal legate of buying 

 land for a kinsman with the church's money," 

 they must have known it meant his removal ^* 

 or theirs. 



When Abbot John was on his death-bed 

 Alexander de Langley joined Walter de Rheims 

 and William de Trumpington in begging him to 

 seal a charter prohibiting such transference at 

 the abbot's will. The dying man, unable to 

 speak, refused by a sign, but notwithstanding 

 the keeper of his seal, Alexander de Appelton, 

 sealed the deed.^* 



After a vacancy of four months William de 

 Trumpington was elected, partly through out- 

 side influence.^' A complete contrast to his 

 predecessor, William found his sphere in the 

 active not the contemplative life. His strength 

 lay in governing and organizing. Of a buoyant 

 disposition, he was undaunted by any misfor- 

 tvTues and equal to all emergencies. During 

 the war the abbot needed all his strength of 



8 Gesta Abbat. i, 241-2. 



9 Ibid. 242-3. 10 Ibid. 245-6. 



^1 The belief in his holiness is shown by the story 

 that his attendants having fallen asleep on one occa- 

 sion while he was singing nocturns, the responses 

 were made by angels (ibid. 230-2). 



12 Ibid. 251. " Ibid. 252. 



1^ John explained that he had given the convent 

 the equivalent of the money, and was exculpated by 

 the legate. 



^^ Which was therefore more readily approved by 

 the Archbishop of Canterbury (ibid. 247-9). 



1^ Ibid. 250. William's kinsman, the steward of 

 Saer de Quency, worked hard for him at court, and 

 the convent believed that the king would accept no 

 one else as abbot. 



nerve. His refusal to do homage to Louis was 

 met by a threat to burn the town and abbey, 

 and destruction was only averted by a money 

 payment." The immunity purchased from one 

 side was the incentive to attack by the other. 

 Falkes de Breaute swooped down on St. Albans 

 on 22 January 1217, and after ill-treating and 

 robbing the inhabitants, demanded X^°° ^^ 

 ransom of town and monastery .1^ On 30 April 

 the abbey was in danger from French mer- 

 cenaries,!* but again escaped, though it was 

 swept bare of all stores. The anxieties of the 

 abbot may be measured to some extent by the 

 losses of his house, which were estimated at 

 j^2,555.^'' Meanwhile a trial of strength had 

 been going on in the abbey itself. Those 

 responsible for William's election soon repented 

 their choice,^ in some instances no doubt 

 because hopes of their own predominance were 

 disappointed. His constant association with 

 laymen gave offence, and he was twice reproved 

 in chapter for his conduct and for breaches of 

 the charter he had made. The first time he 

 promised amendment,^^ but when accused the 

 second time^^ he threw himself into a violent 

 rage, and said that in making the charter he 

 had not known what he was doing ^* and that 

 he did not mean to be bound.^^ The excite- 

 ment was so great that he agreed to consider 

 the question, but evidently only to gain time. 

 By his secret request the papal legate ^^ came to 

 the abbey and asked to see the charter. When 

 he had read it he tore it to pieces, afterwards 

 telhng the abbot to send for him if he had any 

 more trouble. William, now supreme, disposed 

 of the leaders of the opposition. Raymond, the 

 prior, of whom he was probably jealous and 

 afraid,^' he banished to Tynemouth ; he also 



1' Gesta Abbat. \, 259. 



^* Ibid. 267, n. 3. Frightened by a dream he 

 afterwards professed penitence at St. Albans, but 

 made no restitution (ibid. 268). 



^' On their way to relieve Mountsorel Castle 

 (Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. iii, 15-16). 



^^ Gesta Abbat. i, 298. The sums of money paid 

 to various people amounted to £^^0. 



" Ibid. 254. 22 Ibid. 255. 23 Ibid. 256. 



2* In other words, he had been unaware that he 

 was tying his own hands. 



25 Ibid. 



2^ Ibid. 257. The papal legate who intervened 

 in John de Cella's time is said to have been Gualo, 

 and on this occasion Nicholas, but this must be a 

 mistake, for Nicholas preceded Gualo as legate. If, 

 as seems probable, the names have been accidentally 

 transposed, the first incident took place in 121 3-14 

 and the latter between May 12 16 and 1218. 



2' Matthew Paris says (ibid. 258) there was in 

 those times no greater monk in the order than Ray- 

 mond. The prior had busied himself under Abbot 

 John in adding to the library, chief among his acqui- 

 sitions being the ' Historia Scholastica ' of Peter 

 Comestor (ibid. 233). 



379 



