82 THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON. 
Intelligent people there, on reading the American 
Case, then opened their eyes universally to the fact 
that Great Britain was about to be tried before a high 
court constituted by three neutral Goyernments. 
That was not an agreeable subject of reflection. In- 
telligent Englishmen also, on reading the American 
Case, began to be uneasily conscious of the strength 
of the cause of the United States. And that was not 
an agreeable subject of reflection. For a good cause, 
in a good court, seemed likely to result in a great in- 
ternational judgment adverse to England. 
The specific objections preferred were quite futile. 
Thus, complaint was made because the Case charged 
the British Ministers with unfriendliness to the 
United States for a certain period of the Civil War. 
But the charge was proved by citing the declarations 
of those Ministers; it was not, and could not be de- 
nied by any candid Englishman; it is admitted by 
Sir Alexander Cockburn in the dissenting opinion 
which he filed at the close of the Arbitration. And 
the charge was pertinent, because it explained the 
negligent acts of subordinate British authorities, as 
at Liverpool or Nassau: which acts could not be 
otherwise explained unless by suggesting a worse 
imputation, namely, that of hostile insincerity on the 
part of the Ministers. 
If there be any person at the present day, who is 
inclined to call in quéstion the truth of the foregoing 
remarks, he is earnestly entreated to read the Amer- 
ican Case now, in the light of the adjudged guilt of 
the British Government, and he will then see ample’ 
