56 THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON. 
gland, whether in Parliament or in the Press, was un- 
seasonable or indiscreet; much of it factious toward. 
the British Government itself; much of it disrespect- 
ful to the American Government; but none of it of 
any ultimate importance or consequence in regard to 
either Government, for the following reasons: 
1. Both Governments sincerely desired peace. Great 
Britain could never have retreated from the Arbitra- 
tion in violation of the Treaty, whatever the Press 
might say, and whoever should be in.power as Min- 
ister. 
2. Freedom of debate is essential to freedom of in- 
stitutions. To be sure, the Press in Great Britain, 
and somewhat, but less so, in the United States, is 
prone to take upon itself rather lofty airs, and to 
speak of public affairs quite absolutely, as if it were 
the Government. But nobody is deceived by this, 
not even the Press itself. We, the English-speaking 
nations, thank heaven, possess the capability of living 
in the atmosphere of oral and written debate. It was 
safe to predict that howmuchsoever Mr. Gladstone 
and Lord Granville might feel annoyed by the din 
of words around them, it would not induce them to 
break faith with the United States. 
3. It was not the voice of the English. Press which 
could seriously affect us. We looked rather to the 
state of opinion in the French, German, and Italian 
speaking countries of Europe, which, on the whole, 
though differing as to the legal right of the United 
States to recover on the national claims, yet decisive- 
ly agreed with us in affirming that those claims were 
