The Days of a Man Cigi; 



opposing the same facts before us, he and we were looking on 

 ?f"u^u different sides of one shield. He stressed the world 



the shield 



disaster sure to ensue from a German victory even 

 though its fruits turned to ashes in the Kaiser's grasp. 

 We feared the imminent demoralization of our great 

 democracy, hitherto ideally the world's chief "City 

 of Refuge" from both actual and frustrate war, as 

 well as the dangers (which proved very real) arising 

 from any victory whatever. 



Logic and feeling might justify either view, for the 



nation's course surely lay between the devil and the 



deep sea. 



Breathless The Emergency campaign was not what I would 



campaign h^ye choscn, being indeed, as John Dewey observed, 



"opportunist and breathless." But our time was 



then very short — a week for conference, a week for 



propaganda — and the stakes were very great. The 



President having spoken, the question was no longer 



a living issue. The Federation accordingly passed 



out of existence, and I soon left for home, declining 



various invitations to speak on the road, it being 



neither wise nor reasonable to oppose in any way the 



established policy of the nation. 



Another There was now nothing to do but accept the situa- 



foriorn ^[q^ ^j^^j ^^,-j^ ^jj q^j. effoj-^g toward winning the war 



with the least possible sacrifice of the principles of 

 democracy. In this attempt, as in the other, we led 

 a forlorn hope. It is often said that democratic 

 government is not adapted for war making; con- 

 trariwise, war making is no fit work for democracy. 

 The two cannot permanently exist together, a fact 

 trenchantly emphasized in Marcel Sembat's volume 

 (1913), " Make a King or Make Peace ! " ^ Democracy 



' " Faite's un Roi ou faites la Paix ! " 



n 734 3 



