282 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY 



ing man, he should seek to protect himself from irresponsible competi- 

 tion. And if he is to stand for himself, he must stand for this above 

 every thing else. For in the end the force upon which the college pro- 

 fessor must chiefly rely is the authority of his character and his pro- 

 fession. 



The program thus outlined would imply an eventual readjustment 

 of constitutional rights. , But it need not wait for this. The main 

 point is that the college professor should undertake to speak in matters 

 of college policy, both for himself and for the college, and that he 

 should then secure consideration of what he has to say. If this is ac- 

 complished, he can afford to wait for recognition by law. For, after 

 all, nothing is so potent as a reason, if only it can get itself considered. 

 And none should be able to offer a better reason than just the college 

 professor. His reason once formally made public, few presidents or 

 boards of trustees would care to turn him down without a very good 

 reason in reply. One of the sharpest contests in the history of college 

 politics was over the question of a veto. The president had an un- 

 limited power of veto over the action of the faculty — could he ask more ? 

 Yes, a little more; he might disregard the faculty's vote without com- 

 mitting himself to a veto. And this was the sole point in dispute. 

 What it meant was that the president cared not to appear before the 

 university and the public with his faculty's support withdrawn. 



The program of self-assertion imposes upon the college professor a 

 considerable increase of responsibility. If he is to be responsible for 

 himself he must also assume a responsibility for his college. And to 

 responsibility he is commonly adverse. But upon him the matter rests ; 

 and if he declines, he should forever keep silent about the narrowness of 

 his conditions. 



