1853.] Siftin and HorsoJc Vocabularies. 133 



trait which it shares with what has been deemed the most primitive 

 Malayopolynesian type ; and I shall do so by the following quotation 

 from* Leyden. " Pew languages present a greater appearance of 

 originality than the Ta-gala. Though a multitude of its terms agree 

 precisely with those of the languages just enumerated (the "Western 

 Polynesian), yet the simple terms are so metamorphosed by a variety 

 of the most simple contrivances that it becomes impossible (difficult 

 B. H. H.) for a person who understands all the original words in a 

 sentence to recognise them individually or to comprehend the mean- 

 ing of the whole. The artifices which it employs are chiefly the 

 prefixing or postfixing (or infixing B. H. H.) to the simple vocables 

 (roots) of certain particles (serviles) which are again combined with 

 others ; and the complete or partial repetition of terms in this re- 

 duplication may be again combined with other particles." The 

 above, as well as what follows (p. 211-12) upon Ta-gala verbs, is in 

 general remarkably coincident with Gyarung,f the differences being 

 such only as, when compared with other allied tongues, to show that 



* Researches, B. A. S. Vol. X. p. 209. 



f I subjoin some samples as significant as Ley den's illustrations of the Tagala 

 verbs. From the root Ching, to go, we have almost indifferently, Yaching, Ka- 

 ching, Daching, Taching, Naching, in a present sense, and Yataching, Kataching, 

 Dataching, Tataching, Nataching, in a past sense, with some speciality of sense as 

 to the na and ta prefix that need here be particularized. Next we have Yatachinti, 

 Katachinti, Datachinti, Tatachinti, Natachinti, meaning ' one who goes or went, or 

 the goer,' if one's self ; and, if any other, then the series becomes Yatachisi, Kata- 

 chisi, &c. The negatives are Matachinti vel Matac.hisi according to the person, 

 tbe particle of negation displacing the first of the prefixes indifferently. So from 

 Mang to sleep, Karmang, Marmang, Tatarmang, Matarmangti, Tatarmeti, Matar- 

 mesi, I sleep, I sleep not, I slept, I who slept not, Thou who sleepedst, He who slept 

 not, or the sleepless, (other than one's self). From Zo, eat, Tasazo, feed, Tasa- 

 zangti, I who feed, Tasazesi, he who feeds, Masazangti, I who feed not. Of these 

 I give the analysis of the last as a sample. Ma, negative prefix. Sa, causative 

 infix. Zang, I eat, from the root Za with suffixed pronoun. Ti mutable to Si, 

 the participial attributive suffix. 



These are the simplest verbal forms and the most usual, whence tbe prevalent 

 dissyllabic character of the verbs as of the nouns, as seen in the vocabulary con- 

 sisting of a root and one prefix. But the vocabulary, whilst it demonstrates this, 

 indicates also the more complex forms, put rather too prominently forward by 

 Leyden in his Tagala samples. 



