VISITS. 115 



time to show loyalty to a chief ruler by presenting himself 

 to do homage. 



382. In this case as in preceding cases, we have, lastly, 

 to note the relations between visit-making and types of 

 social organization. 



That in simple tribes without settled headships, it cannot 

 become a political ceremony is obvious; and that it begins 

 to prevail in societies compounded to the second and third 

 degrees, the evidence clearly shows. As before, however, 

 so now, we find on grouping and comparing the facts that 

 it is not so much with the size of the society as with its 

 structure, that this ceremony is connected. Being one of 

 the expressions of obedience, it is associated with develop 

 ment of the militant organization. Hence as proved by the 

 instances given, it grows into a conspicuous element of cere 

 monial rule in nations which are under those despotic forms 

 of government which militancy produces ancient Mexico 

 and ancient Peru in the Xew World, China and Japan in 

 the East. And the earlier stages of European societies ex 

 emplified the relation. 



The converse relation is no less manifest. Among our 

 selves, characterized as we now are by predominance of 

 industrialism over militancy, the visit as a manifestation of 

 loyalty is no longer imperative. And in the substitution of 

 cards for calls, we may observe a growing tendency to dis 

 pense with it as a formality of social intercourse. 



