
150 PEOPLES OF THE PHILIPPINES 
due penalties from the weak and the poor, and to whittle 
even equitable claims down to a fraction. The Ifugao 
frankly recognize that the fine due a well-to-do man, or 
due by him, is greater than that which a middle class or 
poor person receives or pays. The penalties exacted are 
about twice as great for each successive class. When the 
offender and injured party are of different classes, the 
fine is normally a compromise; thus, the poor are liable 
to the rich and the rich to the poor for about the amount 
which one middle class man would pay to the other for 
the same offense. Between people distantly related in 
blood, claims are pressed less strenuously and small 
compensation is accepted. Among very near relatives, 
even the most serious offenses are entirely condoned. 
The first claim is of course normally against the 
actual offender, but his entire kin are ultimately liable 
in proportion to their degree of relationship. Where the 
criminal is one of the less influential persons of a group, 
the supposition is that he was acting at the instigation or 
at least with the cognizance of the head of the group, 
that is, its richest man; and the principal liability falls 
upon the latter. This supposition is probably well 
founded in the majority of cases. Thus the Ifugao dis- 
tinguish between the nungolat or principal, ‘‘who was 
strong,’’ the onewho plans or directs the offense, whether 
or not he takes an active part in its commission; the 
tombok, or thrower, who actually hurls the weapon 
and who stands in the second degree of liability and 
likelihood of being attacked in revenge; third, the 
‘“‘eompanions of him who was strong”’ who merely assist 
or accompany the criminal; and fourth, the montudol 
or shower, who gives information facilitating the com- 
mission of the offense without otherwise participating. 
While kinsmen are always liable to a greater or less 
degree, merely on account of the intrinsic relation in 
