44 



DELIBERATIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 



From the illustrations here presented, it is apparent that 

 the executive patronage reaches every point of influence 

 and every interest worth conciliating or promoting on the 

 island, and enables the Governor practically to dictate its 

 legislation. It is hardly necessary to say that the deliber- 

 ations of a body thus constituted and crippled, possess but 

 little interest to strangers, and furnish a very narrow 

 theatre for the display of oratory or statesmanship. The 

 questions never involve any principle, and the discussions 



these opinions are not of yesterday. In 1792, it was the opinion of those who 

 then represented the people of the colony, ' That it be recommended to the 

 House to appoint a committee to prepare an humble address to his majesty, 

 grounded on the several preceding- resolutions, and humbly to represent to his 

 majesty, that the junction of two such different capacities as that of a privy 

 council of State arid a legislative council, in one and the same body, of which 

 five members only constitute a quorum, (no greater number having attended the 

 Board during the late contest,) has ever been productive of great inconvenience 

 to the good people of this island, and has proved, and must always prove, the 

 never-failing source of discord and distrust between this House arid the King's 

 representative, (and the time now gives it proof;) and lastly, to pray his majes'ty 

 graciously to afford such relief in the premises, as to his royal wisdom shall seerii 

 meet. Ordered, That Mr. Bryan Edwards, Mr. W. Mitchell and Mr. S hirley, 

 be a committee for that purpose.' (Journals of Assembly, Vol. 9, page 100 ) 

 Gentlemen, in 1812, those who then represented the public opinion of the colony 

 resolved, 'That the Council of this island, as at present constituted, have not 

 necessarily a territorial qualification in the country, or any community of interest 

 with the inhabitants, to whom they are in no manner accountable, that nothing 

 can more clearly prove the danger of such a body having any control over the 

 property of our constituents, than the late wanton rejection of a law necessary 

 to the public safety, because the House would not surrender its most important 

 privileges.' So far back, then, as 1792, the bold men who represented the colo- 

 nists predicted, and predicted truly, that so long as an oligarchy existed in this 

 colony, so long as there existed an irresponsible body having legislative power 

 over the people of this country — so long as that anomalous Board existed, there 

 would be no peace in the colony ; and with the opinions so long ago uttered, I, 

 from what has taken place within the last few years, cordially agree ; and I say 

 that for a body of that description to proscribe any other than their opinions to 

 punish us for uttering opinions other than theirs, will never meet with the con- 

 currence of a jury, or there would not be one single moment's security for any 

 of us. It is for this reason, gentlemen, that I ask you if you are to convict Wil- 

 liam Girod of libel, for uttering opinions which have prevailed now for more 

 than half a century 1 For uttering the opinions of a large body of the inhabitants 

 of this country ? 'Whether pnblic opinion shall be crushed and stifled by a body 

 exercising tyrannical power 1 I say, gentlemen, and I say it advisedly, that 

 where irresponsible power decides, there is tyranny; human passion will make 

 tyrants of an oligarchy, and this prosecution sliows what that Board would do if 

 you would assist them ; they would cramp the expression of opinion ; they 

 would circumscribe our opinions to their own limits ; they would do what des- 

 potic power always does, they would ride rampant over the people." 



