XXXIII] LITERARY WORK, ETC., 1887-1905 225 



all foreign Powers on exactly the same principles of equity, of morality, 

 and of sympathy, as we treat our friends, acquaintances, and neighbours 

 with whom we wish to live on friendly terms. 



And, to begin with, and to show that our intentions are genuine, I 

 would propose to evacuate Gibraltar, dismantle the fortress, and give it 

 over to Spain ; Crete and Cyprus should be free to join Greece ; Malta, 

 in like manner, would be given the choice of absolute self-government 

 under the protection of Britain, or union with Italy. But the effect of 

 these would be as nothing compared with our giving absolute internal 

 self-government to Ireland, with protection from attack by any foreign 

 Power ; and the same to the Transvaal and Orange Free State ; and this 

 last we should do " in sackcloth and ashes," with full acknowledgment of 

 our heinous offences against liberty and our pHghted word. 



Now we come to India, which our friend Blatchford seems to consider 

 the test case. And so it is ; for if ever there was an example of a just 

 punishment for evil deeds, it is in the fact that, after a century of absolute 

 power, we are still no nearer peace and plenty and rational self-govern- 

 ment in India than we were half a century ago, when we took over the 

 government from the " Company " with the promise to introduce home- 

 rule as soon as possible. And now we have a country in which plague 

 and famine are chronic — a country which we rule and plunder for the 

 benefit of our aristocracy and wealthy classes, and which we are there- 

 fore in continual dread of losing to Russia. 



If we had honestly kept our word, if we had ruled India with the one 

 purpose of benefiting its people, had introduced home-rule throughout its 

 numerous provinces, states, and nations, settling disputes between them, 

 and guarding them from all foreign attack, we should by now have won 

 the hearts of its teeming populations, and no foreign Power would have 

 ventured to invade a group of nations so united and so protected. Such 

 a position as we might have now held in India — that of the adviser, the 

 reconciler, and the powerful protector of a federation of self-governing 

 Native States — would be a position of dignity and true glory very far above 

 anything we can claim to-day. 



But, it will be replied, all this is foohsh talk ; it will be a century before 

 the British people will be persuaded to give up its possessions and its 

 power ; and, in the mean time, if we do not defend ourselves we shall not 

 have the opportunity of being so generous, hardly shall we keep our own 

 liberties. I have not so low an opinion of my countrymen as to believe 

 that they really wish to keep other peoples subject to them against their 

 will ; that they are really determined to go on denying that freedom to 

 others which is so dear a possession to themselves. And if there is not 

 now a majority who would agree to act at once as I suggest, I am pretty 

 confident that there is, even now, a majority who would acknowledge 

 that such action is theoretically just, and that they would be willing to do 

 it by degrees, and as soon as it is safe, to look forward to it, in fact, as an 

 ideal to be realized at some future time. 



Now, what I wish to urge is, that it is of the most vital importance to 



VOL. II. Q 



