and the Poor LavK 
S9 
the demoralising habits of improvidence and waste which it 
does at present encourage among tlie rural poor.* It is simply 
hopeless to work for any permanent material improvement in 
the social condition of the agricultural labourer so long as he 
considers the poor-rate to be his rent-charge in lieu of the 
poition of soil which he cultivates for another, and in part 
payment for his labour. It is not possible either to improve their 
benefit societies to any great extent or to induce labourers in 
any considerable number to join safe and well managed friendly 
societies, so long as the vicious notion is not eradicated from 
their minds that the provision of a pauper is one which they 
must on no account forfeit by any effort on their part to obtain 
support for themselves. 
In attempting to improve the position of those who dwell in 
the debatable land wherein independence ends, and pauperism 
begins, we must endeavour to call forth their own exertions 
if we would succeed in emancipating them from the abject 
serfdom of the Poor Law, and put them in the way of securing 
* The following extracts are from the report of the Commission in Agri- 
culture : — 
" There can be no doubt," says Mr. P. A. Norman, Assistant-Commissioner, 
" but that the Poor Law has a direct tendency to weaken those feelings of self- 
reliance and independence among the labouring class on the development of which 
qualities the amelioration of that class must necessarily depend." 
The following is of interest : — 
" The great and effectual bar to the formation of habits of independence is the 
existence of a poor law. Why should a labourer provide against sickness and old 
age when he has no interest in so doing? If by the age of 65 he is able to cease 
work and purchase an annuity of 2s. td. a week until death, the guardians, very 
properly, give him nothing. If he has lived freely and saved nothing, the board 
give him 2$. 6rf. a week. Out-of-door relief is a direct premium on improvidence. 
Ao class in the community spends so much in proportion to income on personal 
gratification as the average labourer. He supports all the beer and public 
liouses. . . The low condition of the labourer, whether in respect of wages and 
external circumstances, orof mental or spiritual enlightenment, is ascribable to the 
Poor Law. The first step for his elevation must be its gradual repeal. I have been 
an active member of the board of guardians for twenty years — a magistrate for 
eiiihteen." (From evidence of the Kev. Preb. Wilkinson.) 
.Mr. G. CuUey, Assistant-Commissioner, writes thus : — 
'•The influence adverse to the fostering of provident habits is the present ad- 
ministration of the poor law, and especially the lax and uncertain manner in which 
<)ut-door relief is given." 
The evidence and remarks of the Commissioners on the subject are of special 
interest. (See Keports and Appendix in loco.) 
Sir Stafford Northcote, the President of the Social Science Congress recently 
li -l I at Bristol, spoke as follows: — 
" Two things only were necessary. First, you must raise the labourer's standard 
of life ; and, secondly, you must clear away all obstacles and give him fair play in 
striving after it. . . . Make the labourer feel that his earnini.'s will be in propor- 
tion to his work, and much will be effected. But the deadening influence of the 
Poor Law must be counteracted. The system of Post Office Savings Banks — for 
which we are so much indebted to the present Prime Minister — might be extended ; 
improved cottages, garden allotments, security for his clubs and investments, would 
all be legitimate and useful helps." 
