Thomas Hollyman. Photo Researchers 
Gregorio had last gone on a caravan in 
1974. Because of his age he had not 
anticipated going on any more, and he 
had gradually sold off the thirty mature 
pack llamas he had used on his last 
caravan, butchering them for the meat 
market. 
Before we began to load for our de- 
parture, which took place May 17, there 
was a brief farewell ceremony. Sergio’s 
aged mother provided a tin incense 
holder, and Hilario’s older brother and 
wife supplied alcohol. Everyone present 
sat or squatted in a semicircle, ex- 
changed coca leaves for ritual chewing, 
and drank sugar cane alcohol. By turns, 
the three drovers bared their heads and 
knelt in prayer. Holding the burning 
incense tray aloft, each beseeched the 
earth spirits for a safe and successful 
trip. Then we loaded our cargoes and set 
out on our journey. 
Llama caravans from Pampa Aulla- 
gas may be termed salt caravans be- 
cause salt is the bulk of the cargo the 
Aymara inhabitants take to trade. In the 
past, drovers made a one-week trek with 
their llamas to the salt flats of Uyuni, 
sixty miles to the south. There they 
purchased salt from the local residents, 
pausing a week before making the re- 
turn trip. Now, most acquire the salt 
from truckers who transport it to Pampa 
Aullagas for sale. Then, following the 
harvest, troops of cargo-laden llamas 
and their drovers depart Pampa Aulla- 
gas on a three-month trade circuit to 
valleys in the east, where the salt is 
exchanged for the products of the local 
Quechua-speaking agriculturists. These 
include wood, medicinal herbs, and 
above all, foodstuffs, among which 
maize ranks first, both for domestic and 
ceremonial consumption. Until the last 
few years, no major ritual ceremony in 
Pampa Aullagas was complete without 
the serving of corn dishes and maize 
beer, and even now, guests who enter the 
houses of local authorities on special 
occasions are expected to genuflect be- 
fore a wall altar containing ears of com. 
Drovers on caravans will kiss the first 
few ears of maize they receive en route 
in exchange for a handful of salt. They 
also recite prayers to the tunari, or “val- 
ley,” where maize is grown. 
On the basis of precedent, drovers 
from Pampa Aullagas visit specific val- 
ley destinations so that both men and 
cargo are dispersed equitably through- 
out trade areas. This enables drovers to 
estimate the quantity of salt they need 
to take and the amount of maize they 
will receive. It also assures long-term 
Llamas are useful as beasts 
of burden on both long- and short- 
distance trips. Above: Llamas 
near Lake Titicaca transport 
goods to market. Right: Individual 
ownership is indicated by the 
notches in a llama 's ears. 
relations with specific caseros, or “trade 
partners.” Since the Aymara drovers 
and their Quechua clients share neither 
ethnic, kinship, nor communal ties, the 
establishment of binding casero agree- 
ments represents the main link between 
two otherwise distrustful populations. 
The potential theft of cargo or animals 
worries drovers, whereas valley resi- 
dents are concerned about crop damage 
from strayed llamas. If drovers have 
been known to cheat on measurements, 
valley people have been known to re- 
ceive cargoes on trust and disappear 
without reciprocating. Establishment of 
casero ties — and concomitant personal 
ones — mitigates this mutual distrust. To 
further cement their bond, caseros ex- 
change gifts and services and, in some 
cases, sanctify their ties through the 
Alan Becker, Photo Researchers 
64 
