440 
FIELD-GARDENING FOR THE ENGLISH LABOURER. 
the energies of the mind and body. There is 
a danger of this sort, and no species of argu- 
ment is sufficient to gainsay the fact ; but the 
evil, be it remembered, is by no means in- 
herent in the system itself, but in an unwise 
distribution of the land. As already stated, 
half an acre is in general found to be quite 
sufficient for a man to work during " fore" 
and after hours and " bad" days ; but the 
extent of land should, of course, be apportioned 
according to the holder's family, for the 
younger branches of it, if numerous, can, with 
the parents' assistance and guidance, cultivate 
even to the extent of three quarters, or a full 
acre. If it should so happen that a man en- 
tangle himself with more allotment land than 
he can conveniently manage, he is just in the 
condition that some farmers are in, when they 
grasp at more space than they have capital to 
work ; only the poor allotment man has this 
important additional restraint upon him, that 
if a master should find the servant neglecting 
his employer's interest, a speedy dismissal will 
be the result. Something, I think, might be 
said in favour of occasional, and even regular, 
employment, for the poor man, after his usual 
day's labour is over, especially as such labour 
is free and unconstrained, and in the society, 
it may be, of his family ; for I do not think 
the energies, either of mind or body, are 
likely to be affected by it so much as a de- 
bauch in the ale-house would occasion ; but I 
am content to leave the question open, admit- 
ting that the privilege may, in some cases, be 
abused. At the same time I must state, that 
since a man can, with the aid of his allotment, 
feed and clothe himself in a manner superior 
to the person who has no allotment, I am 
confident the former is more able to perform 
a good day's work ; a fact which is almost 
always left out of view. 
With a certain class of persons, an objection 
is held to allotments because they enable the 
holders to get into debt with the tradesmen in 
the neighbourhood. This is a mere piece of 
fancy, and forms a very unwise objection, for 
the circumstance might with some reason be 
used in favour of the system. Everything 
which tends to raise a man's character and 
stability in the estimation of the public might, 
in like way, be pronounced as the cause of his 
being trusted to a greater extent than he 
would otherwise be ; and surely a person who 
has something else than his labour as a se- 
curity for his debts, is a better customer than 
he who has no additional guarantee to offer. 
The objection would have some weight were 
allotments proved to be prejudicial to a la- 
bouring man ; but this position no one at- 
tempts to establish. From all the enquiries 
I have made, coupled with long experience, 
I am quite convinced that the charge is made 
without the slightest foundation ; the answers 
I have universally received from tradesmen 
of villages being to the effect that they are 
always regularly paid, and that they do not 
see how the agricultural labourers should 
pay them so punctually, were it not for the 
allotments. 
I conclude this paper with an anxious wish 
to impress most particularly on the minds of 
those who may read it, that whilst the " Allot- 
ment System," as a comprehensive measure, 
including everything in the shape of ground 
being parcelled out to labourers, is open, 
and most justly, to objection — the restricted 
measure here advocated, so far as I know, has 
been attended in every instance with eminent 
success. It appears that the eastern coun- 
ties of England present the most numerous, 
as well as the most successful, groups of these 
allotments ; and for the guidance of those 
who may feel desirous of introducing them, I 
shall recapitulate the chief points on which 
their success depends : — 
All legislative interference should if possible 
be resisted ; for I find that any plan of ma- 
naging allotments which loses its individu- 
ality has not been so successful as those cases 
in which the owner takes a direct and sole 
interest in the working of the system. The 
very garb of officialism is offensive to the poor 
labourers, and, therefore, I urge its becoming 
a private household matter, emanating from 
individuals as a duty which they owe to their 
fellow creatures. 
The land should, if possible, be good — not less 
than a quarter of an acre, and, as a general rule, 
half an acre in extent. It should be near to the 
labourer's house. When the land is away 
from his cottage, he has often to go forth 
single-handed ; but when at home, his wife 
and children assist him, and he works better 
and is happier in their society. An allotment 
at a distance is infinitely better than to have 
none at all. The rent should be moderate, 
such as a farmer would pay for the land. It 
is cruel to take advantage of the anxiety 
which labourers have for allotments. The 
land should not in any case be let free of rates. 
When labourers have to pay their share, there 
is a constant revision going on amongst them 
as to who is, and who is not, entitled to relief : 
any misapplication of the poor's money is con- 
sequently detected and exposed. Besides, 
there is a pardonable importance which the 
paying of rates gives to labourers ; and when 
they feel this, I believe it makes them strive 
to become independent for ever of the work- 
house. The keeping of a pig should be en- 
couraged, and, if necessary, money advanced 
the first year to buy one. If a liquid-manure 
tank follow, that labourer may be pronounced 
beyond the reach of the Union House. No 
