34 
rather to take a broad and comprehensive view of the field and the institutions 
we represent, with such suggestions as may be helpful. 
ii)i assume that there is no lack of appreciation of the fact that these in- 
stitutions now represcnl the great national movement in'whieh both nation and 
state are cooperating with a clearly defined purpose <;t' providing such a type «.t' 
education as can he readily justified by its relation to the development of our 
country. Education is strictly a developmental function in which the State 
seems inevitably to take a larger and larger part. Here the logic of the situa- 
tion will become sufficiently manifest to warrant a larger participation on the 
part of the nation as a matter of national development If such larger part 
should he taken by the nation, the manner in which such increased expenditures 
would he made is a matter not now possible of forecast. The varying and 
sometimes conflicting interests would probably effect such compromises in legis- 
lation as to divert the efforts from what might he regarded as in accordance 
with the most approved theory. It is not necessary to produce here an array of 
figures prefaced with a dollar mark in order to assure us of the greatness of our 
work. The contributions made by the National Government in the original 
Morrill Aet have heen more or less efficient, depending largely upon the wisdom 
of the States. After all has heen said that can he said on that matter, it 
remains true that that original act is the foundation on wdiieh the colleges 
stand. The second Morrill Act is a very clear and definite contribution, in 
which there is a renewed and enlarged participation on the part of the Govern- 
ment. It is not assumed that the national grants are adequate to the main- 
tenance of such colleges as are needed. The smallest States, or the States with 
the least amount of undeveloped resources, will rind before them problems t 10 
large for an adequate solution with the limited means at their hands. Indeed, 
the States where conditions are most unfavorable form the strongest argument 
for national aid. Here it is that undeveloped resources are few. and here it 
is that existing resources need to he most carefully husbanded. If the National 
Government can be justified for undertaking what may lie termed the develop- 
mental functions of government — and I take it that the history of the past 
seventy-five years justifies such undertaking — then it would seem the part of 
wisdom to protect the whole country, and to see to it that no portion of the 
country is. to he so depleted in resources that the maintenance of a population is 
impossible. It would seem, therefore, that the National Government might 
with every propriety interest itself in the development of the least fertile and 
most unlikely portions of the country for the general reason that the nation's 
interests are as wide as her territory. This phase of the problem is the more 
urgent because it is here that States will he slow to take hold of the problem, 
chiefly hecause they lack the knowledge needed in order to direct them in the 
wise application of scientific methods to the problem, and further hecause such 
States are not usually sufficiently aroused as to the relation of research to state 
development. On the other hand, the States having a large amount of unde- 
veloped resources can readily see the advantage of development, and are so 
moved by the prospect of assured profit that they readily make appropriations 
lor investigation and research as an investment, if not in the interest of science. 
(2) We are well aware that there is a great diversity of interest shown among 
the States. This interest has manifested itself in some cases by large and gen- 
erous appropriations and in others by rather meager provision. There can he 
no question about the individual State's right, and I also helieve of its duty, to 
take up the developmental functions of government and give its own territory 
most careful consideration. It is not that in the support of what we would term 
" technical education." " industrial education." or perhaps hotter. " economic 
education," the State will receive immediate returns upon its investment, for that 
is not always true, but that in such long-time investment, calculated to perpetuate 
the resources of the State, and to keep the legacy of our fathers as valuable for 
our children as it has heen for us. the State will find ample justification for its 
expenditures. Men often debate the constitutionality of certain measures, the 
wisdom of them or the political effect of them, hut wheu they have once heen 
made and men of a later period see the wisdom of such public enterprise, there is 
little disposition to criticise the action. The present movement in agricultural 
education has some immediate returns that are a justification, hut the complete 
justification will he at the hands of our children. It is worth our while to keep 
clearly in mind that this expenditure must inevitably increase. I do not suggest 
that it will increase with great rapidity, hut that the increase of expenditure for 
education will go with equal step with the increase of the efficiency of our civiliza- 
tion. Indeed, civilization itself as it progresses makes increasing demands upon 
