1874.] A. F. Kudolf Hoernle —Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 
27 
f?rf% qft BTC \\i I. 0 - 
'J C -V 
H. H- BTuft (BB b) ^ I etc. 
Sasivritha katba XXY, 2 ; 
Or 
btcb ^fare i. e. 
H. H. «?t^r x*l % BgBcrt I 
btbt htw bbb% wft II XXV, 35. 
Or cff^T mfv BfBSB fare I 
BiBB ^TBT fa^TY fare II i. e. 
H. H. I 
BIB 3\B<n b cffBT fa^TC *rt II ibid. XXV, 41. 
These verses contain examples of the feminine form in BB (Y^O ; w*. 
f^B (Skr. ^tTt) Skr. (Pr. B^farBT), Bf^fare (Skr. 
Pr. BTsffaiBrT) ; fare (Skr. ^cfT, Pr- fai^T or faren).* The sandhi 
cliange of to B may be considered to have taken place in this way, that 
as the final Prakrit ’BT was shortened to BJ and finally dropped, the preceding 
C was lengthened to \ by way of compensation. This view has in its 
favour the analogy of other similar cases in Gaurian, where the shortening 
of the final long vowel is compensated by lengthening a short penultimate 
vowel. There is, e. g., the case of the Marathi feminine bases, formed by 
the Gaurian affix as BTlfaj fem. of BBt elephant. In Sanskrit the fern, 
would be Bfaret (of BBTt), in Prakrit (of According to the 
Gaurian law, the final long ^ of the Prakrit is reduced to \ ; thus 
making Bfalfaj; and according to the other Gaurian law this resulted final 
\ becomes quiescent , and is not written; thus making BfalB (just as 
BfTB Jire is written for 'BrfJT, having done for 3ifa:, etc.) ; finally by 
way of compensating these losses, the penultimate short C is lengthened to 
* To the word I beg to call special attention. I think it tends to prove my 
theory of the origin of the Hindi Genitive post position ^ tfr) from the participle 
■jjjTT. See Essay II, pp. 138, 139, where I thought it very probable that such forms would 
yet be discovei’ed in the oldest Gaurian Hindi of Chand.—The Hindi Genitive position 
though identical in sound, is differently spelled from the feminine fa>v of the past part 
falBT ; both represent the Skr. feminine ^fTT- The reason of the difference is this, 
the Skr. form ^rTT may assume in Prakrit two forms, with or without the affix ; i. e. 
it may be either fap^j (s?kTT) or faf^^lT (— sSfaBIT)’ By an identical phonetic process 
the form faf^T turns in Gaurian into and far^^T into fap^. Now a little com¬ 
parison of Gaurian past participles with Skr. and Prakrit ones will show, that, as a rule, 
Prakrit past participles, when they passed into Gaurian in their proper sense of a past 
part., passed into it in the amplified (particular Prakrit) form made by the affix 
Conformably to this rule, it was the Prakrit from faf^BSfT, which gave to Gaurian the past 
participle faf^, while the alternative Prakrit form fared sank down in Gaurian to be 
the post-position or affix 
