230 
PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE. 
sav that there were but two classes profitable to breed—Suffolk-bred 
horses and thoroughbred stock. If that was so, what comfort was 
it to those who recpiired horses for ordinary purposes? A farmer 
could not ride a racehorse to market, because it was too expensive ; 
and the same objection would apply also to his riding a carthorse— 
it would be expensive in time, which was money. The only prac¬ 
tical remedy which the Admiral had to propose was given in these 
words:—‘'Put the same tax on racehorses as on other horses of 
luxury, and then pray leave us alone.” The result of fifteen years’ 
absolute control of Newmarket—the result of a powerful mind 
applying itself to a subject with which it was quite competent to deal 
—was a suggestion that, in order to increase the number of ordi¬ 
nary bores, the duty on racehorses should be reduced from £3 1 7s. 
to 12s. §d. If that were done, we might hereafter be able to say, 
“ True, we have lost our horses, but we retain our racing.” (A laugh.) 
Though he had no personal interest in the matter, he could not join 
in the fashionable denunciation of the turf as selfish, immoral, 
and as provocative of gambling. It was the custom of hon. gen¬ 
tlemen, well-meaning, but possessed of little practical acquaintance 
with the subject, to go down to the House of Commons and inveigh 
against what were somewhat absurdly called “ our Isthmian games.” 
If, in the month of September, an apprentice robbed his master’s 
till, grave magistrates bewailed the fact as a lamentable illustration of 
what was owing to the St. Leger. If, in the month of May, an old 
woman was run over at a crossing, her misfortune was attributed to 
the Derby. Against such denunciations he would set the words of 
a gentleman who had certainly no prepossessions in favour of racing, 
and who said, “Of itself, it is a noble, manly, distinguished, histo¬ 
rical, national amusement.” That was a description which must be 
accepted by noble lords on both sides of the House as above and 
beyond suspicion, for it proceeded from the Prime Minister. (Hear, 
hear.) If noble lords still had doubts, he wished that like him they 
could have seen two noble lords, eminent for their character and 
their virtues—Lord Palmerston and Lord Fitzwilliam—running 
their horses on Doncaster Town Moor, without a bet upon them, 
or any interest beyond that of testing their respective merits. 
While racing was carried on in that spirit he should consider 
that it was as innocent an amusement as large numbers of persons 
could possibly enjoy. Hunting and shooting were only for the 
wealthy, but there was no one so poor that he could not visit a 
racecourse. (Hear, hear.) He believed that gambling was on the 
decline, and that there were few owners now who had as much 
“on” their horses as would form the stake at an ordinary rubber of 
whist. As for putting down gambling by abolishing races, they 
might just as well—to quote the words of the French wit—think 
that they could abolish rain by suppressing gutters. (Laughter.) 
As for the notion that it was the business of the Jockey Club to 
supply the country with horses, he must remark that what was sauce 
for the goose ought to be sauce for the gander, and that they might 
just as well call upon the Royal Yacht Club to furnish her Majesty’s 
