LIBERTY op 
r ‘ XvhDSvif Wfiltld live in civil fociety, Ihould endea¬ 
vour to adapt his thoughts and willies to the circum- 
ffances infeparable from that ftate. In the polity of a nu¬ 
merous and widely-extended people there mult unavoid¬ 
ably be intermixed lorne difad vantages. But if the bene¬ 
fits are prepollent, in confideration of enjoying thole be¬ 
nefits, and for the fake of the whole community, a ra¬ 
tional, prudent, and moderate, mind fnould be content to 
bear the difadvantages. One difadvantage in civil fo¬ 
ciety is the introduction of difqualification. And yet, 
for the greater improvement of arts, for the more effec¬ 
tual di(charge of duty, for the more conftartt preservation 
of order, for the more permanent (lability of government; 
difqualification, in fome ffiape or another, always has per¬ 
vaded, and always will pervade, a fyltem of polity well ar¬ 
ranged ; nor will it be uniformly excluded from a fyltem 
of polity ill arranged. Even in revolutionary France, the 
national affembly decreed, ‘ No deputy to the national al- 
fembiy (hall be admiffible into the miniftry, until four 
years after the expiration of the legislature of which he is 
a member.’ Licentioufnefs itfelf reforted to disqualifying 
provifions. Thefe remarks were fuggefted by your quef- 
tion, ‘ Is it not the nature of man to be dilfatisfied and 
mortified with a difqualification ?’ You alk the queftion 
in a way fo general, that ycur interrogation feems intend¬ 
ed to lay it down as a maxim univerlally acknowledged to 
be true. The pofition however, that difqualification, 
merely in itfelf abltractedly taken, is or Ihould be a fource 
of vexation, may well be controverted. If you would fee 
the extent of difqualification, and be convinced that it 
attaches not to catholics only, look into our four profef- 
fions, army, navy, law, church. Whoever continues to 
purfue any one of thele lines, is difqualified for holding 
rank in the other three. Again; Whence is it that thou- 
fands cannot follow the diverfions of the field ? That 
thoufands cannot give an elective fuffrage ? That thou¬ 
sands cannot propofe themfelves as candidates for the par¬ 
liamentary reprei'entation of boroughs ? and are ltiil far¬ 
ther removed from capability of reprefenting counties? 
Why cannot parliamentary members of one houfe be at 
the fame time admitted as members of the other houfe ? 
Difqualification is the impediment through all thefe cafes. 
In fail; gravitation and attraction do not operate more 
generally or neceffarily in the frame of the univerfe, than 
difqualification does and mult operate in the arrangements 
of civil fociety. Let not the catholics be encouraged to 
think disqualification lies on them only. To a greater or 
lefs degree, we all participate in excluiion arifing from the 
principle of disqualification, fome in this way, lome in an¬ 
other. Yet, the wife and good complain not. Where¬ 
fore ? becaufe they are convinced thefe maxims are true 5 
1. It is the duty of a citizen to facrifice private to pub¬ 
lic good. And, 2. He hath advanced far towards the at¬ 
tainment of happinefs, who has learnt not to defire things 
incompatible. 
“The catholics hold tenets which in effeCt difqualify 
them for admifiion into the legiflature; They have a right 
to hold fuch tenets, if their option is to hold them. But 
then they are not to expect, that for their gratification the 
law of the land Ihould abrogate disqualifications enabled 
and continued for public good. Where is the reafon- 
ablenefs in making fuch a demand ? You will fay, ‘But 
here is a difqualification on account of religion.’ True; 
and w-hy not on account of religion, which man does 
choofe ; as well as on account of inefficient property, 
which man does not choofe for himfelf ? Why is difqua¬ 
lification on account of religion more mortifying than 
difqualification on account of inefficient property ? You 
would find it a difficult talk, if you undertook to prove 
there was more of grievance in the former than in the 
.atter cafe. On the contrary, if this were the place in 
which to difeufs that point fully, it were eafy to demon- 
flrate that the latter hath more of grievance in it than the 
former. Yet the laws, by which perfons of infyfficisnt 
Vol. XII. No. 855. 
CONSCIENCE. 597 
property are affeCted, continue in force. And for this 
belt of reafons; becaufe on a view of all circumftances 
connected with thofe laws, and of all confequences which 
would follow a repeal of them, the legiflature judges it 
mb ft expedient and moll conducive to public good, that 
no alteration Ihoiild be made in them. 
“Enactment of laws originates in fome occafion re¬ 
quiring thofe laws: application of them co-exifts with 
that occafion : when the occafion ceafes, enforcement of 
them ceafes. Thence it is, that in your llatute-books 
are many laws which are become dead letters. The tell- 
acl is nearly fuch. At a period almoll fifty years antece¬ 
dent to the prefent time it was laid with truth, ‘ If lie 
(i. e. a diffenter) behaves modeflly, prudently, and qui¬ 
etly, there feems to be no difpofition in the governors, 
either civil or eccleliallical, to encourage informations or 
legal proceedings againlt him. He may continue in his 
opinions, and yet enjoy his property, his liberty.’ 
Since the age in which that obfervation was rr: , our 
civil and eccleliallical governors have (liown a graduaily- 
increafing difpofition to protect all perfons indiferimi- 
nately, in the free exercife of their religious worlhip. 
The fact afferted appears evident, from the various laws 
fucceffively paffed, in favour of ail who feparate from the 
ellabli(limeat. You will perhaps alk, ‘ Why then is not 
the teft-aft repealed ?’ That queftion Ihall be met by 
others. When the morning has brought back clear light,- 
do you throw away the locks of your doors, and bars of 
your gates ? When the flood lias fubfided, do you re¬ 
move your fea-banks ? When peace is proclaimed, does 
the nation breakup all its (hipping ? Virtually however, 
the felt-act is repealed every year, before the ciofe of each 
parliamentary feffion, by the bill of indemnity. What, 
in effect, do our legiflators fay by that bill ? They fay 
this; ‘Our object, in Itili retaining the teit-aft, is not 
that it Ihall injure any one; but that it fhall continue, as 
heretofore, to fecure the protellant eltabliffiment civil and 
religious from polfible contingencies. You, gentlemen 
diffenters, have neither by your conduit nor by your 
principles evinced any thing incompatible with the fecu- 
rity propofed ; and therefore we fhall provide, that, al¬ 
though the telt-a6l is not abrogated, yet it Ihall not in¬ 
jure you.’ 
“Youjirge -the propriety of admitting catholics into 
our protellant legiflature, by appealing to a country where 
proteftants may be admitted into a catholic■ ienate or 
council. ‘ When a protellant layman in defpotic France 
and its vail dependencies enjoys the fame privileges as a 
catholic, mult not a catholic in free Britain repine, when 
he finds himfelf under difqualifications ?’ If the govern¬ 
ment of France and the government of England were 
fimilar, there would be more force in your analogical rea- 
foning. But, as they are very diffimilar, your analogy 
fails; becaufe the things compared are in their nature, 
and in the confequences refulting from that nature, en¬ 
tirely unlike. The government of France is defpotic. 
Under a defpotic government, it is very immaterial what 
religious opinions a member may^carry with him into a 
confervative fenate, or deliberative council. He cannot, 
by debate correfponding with thofe opinions, produce 
any influence on public meafures. He is required, at ths 
peril of lofing his rank, and perhaps his liberty, to con- 
lult the will of the ruler; to (peak as the ruler fpeaks 9 
to ait as the ruler dictates. In the ruler, a word is law - 
in the fubjeft, paffive obedience is the duty. Thanks be 
to Divine Providence! not fuch is the cafe in England- 
The government of England is free. Whoever fliail go 
into the Britilh parliament, will claim for himfelf the aTi- 
cient and allowed privilege of parliament; and, fo long as 
lie confines himfelf to decorous language, he will foeaic 
unrefervedly on all topics whatever. It into parliament 
lie carries with him catholic opinions, by arguments de¬ 
duced from thole opinions he will contend for meafures; 
partial to thofe of his own cornu; union; fie Will, eudea- 
? Ih vour> 
