623 
PARLIAMENT. 
that, unlefs the king’s leave were previoufly obtained, 
the afts of any parliament fliould be void.” In the reign 
of queen Mary this law was dill further extended, by an 
aft pafled under the pretence of “ explaining the true 
meaning and intent” of the former ; in which it was 
enafted, “ that no parliament fliould be held in Ireland 
until the chief governor and council had certified to the 
king and council of England not only the meafures which 
were in contemplation at the time when the parliament 
was called, but thofe alfo which might become the fub- 
jeft of its future deliberation.” Such was the afi which 
finally efta’oiiflied the ufage of holding parliaments and 
enaffing laws in Ireland, and by which the proceedings 
of its legiflature were determined till the year 1782, when 
the Irifh Parliament was declared independent of that of 
England. 
Before the 33d year of Henry VIII. it appears that none 
were admitted into parliament but Engliflimen by birth 
or the defcendants of Engliflimen, the Irifh being en¬ 
tirely excluded, becaufe their lands, being beyond the 
limits of counties, could fend no knights; and, as they 
contained no cities or towns, they could fend no burgefies. 
But it is not improbable that the chief reafon was the 
jealoufy of the Englifh government, which, fufpefting 
their fidelity, did not deem it prudent to fuffer them to 
become members of the great national council. 
Before the 34th year of the fame fovereign, wdien 
Meath was divided into two (hires, there were only 12 
counties in Ireland, befides the liberty of Tipperary; 
the number of knights, therefore, mult have been few, 
fince there were only four ancient cities, and the boroughs 
which fent burgefies did not exceed thirty. Hence it 
appears, that their whole lioufe of commons could not 
then amount to a hundred perfons; and, although queen 
Mary added two (hires, and queen Elizabeth (eventeen 
more, to increafe the number of knights, they did not 
all fend members to parliament, for the remote (hires of 
Uifter did not return any. Ireland, therefore, in the 
reign of king James, contained 33 counties ; and, as 
fome of them had no boroughs, it was found neceflary 
to create 40 new ones, by which expedient the influence 
of the crown acquired a confiderabie accefiion of ftrength. 
Charles I. exercifed this prerogative, but not to fo great 
an extent; ar.d queen Anne added one borough, which 
appears to have been the lad. 
In the year 1719, a private law-fuit in Ireland, (Sher¬ 
lock v. Annefley,) gave rife to a controverfy about the 
right of appeal from the Irifli tribunals to the houfe of 
lords in Britain ; and the confequence was, an aft of the 
Britilh parliament, the exprefs object of which feems to 
have been, to fir bj eft Ireland to a (fate of complete de¬ 
pendency on the crown of Great Britain. By this aft it 
was declared, firft, “ that the king’s mnjefty, by and with 
the confent of the lords Epiritual and temporal, and the 
commons, of Great Britain, in parliament aflembled, 
had, hath, and ought to have, full power and authority 
to make flatutes of fufncient, force and validity to bind 
the people and kingdom of Ireland.” Secondly, “That 
the houfe of lords of Ireland have not, nor of right 
ought to have, any jurifdiftion to judge of, affirm, or 
reverfe, any judgment, fentence, or decree, given or 
made in any court within the (aid kingdom.” 
But, notwithftanding the fervile ftate in which the le¬ 
giflature of Ireland was held, it feems to have preferved 
its independence in taxation. No Britilh parliament, it 
appears, ever afltimed, or even claimed, the right of im- 
pofingtaxes on that country; and feveral inftances are 
recorded, in which it manifefted its jealoufy on this 
point with a fpirit worthy of the national charafter. In 
1696, the commons of Ireland rejefted a money-bill be¬ 
caufe it had not originated in their houfe. In 1709, a 
money-bill was returned from England with alterations, 
and on this account it was rejefted by the commons. A 
fimilar circumflance took place in 1758. 
Notwithftanding thefe exertions of the Irifli nation in 
favour of liberty and independence, their efforts were 
counterafted, and for the mod part fruftrated, by the 
indifcreet influence of the crown; and nothing contri¬ 
buted more to render it effedlual than the duration of 
their parliament. According to the early ccnftitution of 
parliament, both in England and in Ireland, thefe a (Tern-, 
blies could be diflolved at the pleafure of the crown ; bur, 
when this prerogative was not exercifed, they remained 
till the death ot the king. In England, however, in 
the reign of William III. the nation becoming jealous 
of the power which the king had acquired over parlia¬ 
ments, their duration was limited (as we have feen) to 
three years; which period, in the reign of George I. was 
extended to feven. But, as no change of the fame kind 
had been introduced into Ireland, the parliament there 
continued, to exift, according to the old plan, with the 
life of the king, till the year 1768, when, in confequence 
of a bill brought in by Dr, Lucas, the member for Dub¬ 
lin, its duration was reltrifted to eight years. 
Agreeably to the a6t of union of 1800, the reprefen- 
tation of Ireland coniifts at prefent of 28 temporal peers, 
elefted for life by the general body of Irifli peers; 4 fpi- 
ritual ones, confiding of billiops, who are replaced by 
the fame number every two years in rotation; and 100 
commoners. Catholics as well as Proteftants vote for 
thefe members; and the qualification of an eleftor is 
the fame in Ireland as in England, a clear forty-fhillings 
interefl for a life; but, as it is cuftomary in Ireland to 
infert lives in all leafes, freeholders are created without 
the aftual pofleflion of property being confidered as ne¬ 
ceflary, and their votes are regarded as a right of the 
landlord. This fy lie in of creating votes in Ireland, is 
carried to an extent of which the people in England can 
have no idea. The paflion foracquiring political influence 
prevails throughout the whole country; and it has an 
overwhelming influence upon the people. To divide and 
fubdivide, for the purpofe of making 1 freeholders, is the 
great object of every owner of land ; and Mr. Wakefield 
confiders it as one of the mod pernicious practices that 
has ever been introduced into the operations of politi¬ 
cal machinery. It reduces the elective franchife nearly 
to univerfal fuffrage; to a population who, by the very 
inftrument by which they are made free, are reduced to 
the moli abjeft ftate of perianal bondage. Mr. Wakefield 
has known freeholders regiftered among mountain-tenan¬ 
try, whole yearly head-rent did not exceed 2s. 6d. but, 
living upon this half-crown tenure, were enabled to fwear 
to a derivation - inter ejl of forty (hillings per annum. This 
right, inftead of being an advantage to the freeholder, is 
an excdlive burden, as he is obliged to attend elections 
at the command of the agent, often with great inconve¬ 
nience ; and is ordered to vote for the objeft of his land¬ 
lord’s choice, with as little ceremony as the Jamaica 
planter would direft his (lave to the performance of the 
meaneft offices. Of this we have a linking and recent 
inftance, in the cafe of Mr. Alcock, member for the 
county of Wexford, who challenged Mr. Colcough. 
The caufe of this unfortunate quarrel was, that the latter 
refufed to relinquifli the votes of the tenantry of a Mrs. 
Cholmondely, who had written to her agent to defire her 
tenants to vote for the former; but, notwithftanding 
this mandate, thefe poor people for once infilled on giving 
their fuffrages to Sheridan and Colcough. Could Addi- 
fon rife from his grave, w'hat would be his opinion of 
fuch freeholders ? Mr. Wakefield has alluded to the above 
lamentable tranfafticm, to (how what are the common 
feelings in Ireland on (uch occafions: and thefe ideas are 
not confined to the county where the fatal event took 
place to which he has alluded; they are univerfal 
throughout every part of the ifiand. After this infor¬ 
mation, the reader will not be furprifed to learn' that 
many counties are overruled in their choice by the will 
of loine great territorial pofleflbr; and there are few in 
\ which 
