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vessel should clear out for slaves from any port within the 
British dominions, after the 1st of May following, that 
is 1807, and that no slave should be landed in the British 
colonies after the 1st of March, 1808. This and al¬ 
most every other proposition were opposed, but happily 
without effect. Suffice it to say, that on the 18th the bill, 
with the blanks filled up, was carried back to the Lords; that 
in consequence of various amendments, it passed and repassed 
from one house to the other, but always with opposition; 
that on the 24th it passed both houses; and that on the 25th, 
at half past eleven in the morning, it received the royal assent. 
Thus passed, after a twenty years’ hard struggle, during 
which the field had been disputed inch by inch, and won at 
last by the arms of reason, this magna charta for Africa in 
Britain, under the administration of Lord Grenville, an 
administration which, on account of its noble exertions 
in behalf of the oppressed African race, will pass to 
posterity, living through successive generations, in the love 
and gratitude of all the most virtuous of mankind. The 
news of this great event gave uncommon joy throughout the 
kingdom, and this joy was farther heightened by authentic 
news just then received from North America, that the go¬ 
vernment there had passed a similar bill, which was to be 
observed as a law through the United States. 
In France, on the re-establishment of the Bourbon dynasty, 
it was proposed to abolish the slave-trade at a distant period. 
Upon the return of Buonaparte from Elba, an order was issued 
for its immediate abolition; and a decree to the same purpose 
was passed after the expulsion of Napoleon, in the reign of 
Louis XVIII. 
The effect of this decree has, however, not gone so far as 
might be expected in the abolition of the slave-trade. Either 
from the carelessness or perfidy of the French government, 
or from the difficulty of restraining capital from taking any 
direction which is profitable, it is notorious that French 
ships and French money are but too instrumental in this 
horrid traffic. A mistaken notion of national honour pre¬ 
vents the French and Americans from allowing the ships we 
keep engaged in the prevention of the slave-trade, to search 
their vessels within all latitudes; and the consequence 
is, that opportunities for smuggling slaves on board are 
continually offered. Our government has been actively 
engaged in endeavouring to prevent the slave-trade in every 
possible way, but it still continues to a distressing extent. 
The abolition of the slave-trade is, however, but perform¬ 
ing a part of our duty. The utter annihilation of all slavery 
is imperiously commanded by conscience and reason. That 
the sordid wretches who oppress Jamaica, and who are re¬ 
moved from the civilization and politeness of the mother 
country, should in their natural arrogance fancy that they 
have a right to trample on their fellow-creatures, is not sur¬ 
prising. But that they have met with one unbribed English¬ 
man to uphold their most abhorrent principle is surpris¬ 
ing. A Jamaica planter is, generally speaking, so be¬ 
sotted, that he actually fancies a black a being of another 
and inferior genus of animals compared to himself. He 
really thinks that the term purity of blood , which is used 
here metaphorically as applied to persons of birth, has an 
qctual and literal meaning. He believes it as impossible 
that a black woman can become a fit consort for a white 
man, or-the mulatto meet on equal terms in science or man¬ 
ners the white, as for a sea-weed to grow on a mountain. 
He knows nothing, sees nothing, and will hear nothing but 
his own inexplicable greatness, and the natural deformity, 
bodily and corporeal, of his unfortunate slave. But how 
can it happen that any man should so far annul the exer¬ 
cise of his reason, as not to see that to permit slavery is to 
justify the precedence of might over right; for the hordes of 
Russia have as just a right to capture this country and to 
carry us all off into slavery, as we have thus to treat the In¬ 
dians. No expediency, no interest, nothing short of actual 
starvation justifies robbery in any nation. What expe¬ 
diency, what interest can then justify us in the eyes of God 
or of mankind, when we rob a man of his richest property, 
—-his country, his-family, and his freedom? The people 
Vol. XXIII. No. 1570. • * 1 
of England now feel this truth, and consequently the more 
cunning of those who live by the wretchedness of their fel¬ 
low creatures, have shifted their ground. They have shewn 
that they have so terribly degraded the slaves under their 
care, that these poor creatures are really unfit for any thing 
but slavery; that an emancipated negro commonly becomes 
a drunkard or a thief, and consequently that immediate and 
universal freedom would be attended with the worst effects. 
Granting this, the obvious step would be to emancipate all 
the children and give them a proper education, and to allow 
no more slaves to be made. But then the planters say they 
must have compensation for the loss of their slaves. That 
is, the property which is gained by violence is as sacred as 
if gained by the honestest means. That is as though they 
should say, “ we (or our ancestors, which is the same thing,) 
stole these slaves; therefore if you take them from us, you 
should give us an equivalent.” This plea would be agree¬ 
able to pickpockets and the like class of persons, but the en¬ 
slavers deny their identity with this class. They say, “ some 
of us have bought land and slaves, trusting to the promises 
of our government that this property shall not be rendered 
valueless.” Then the reply would be, “ You have com¬ 
mitted a mistake in your bargains; you should have calcu¬ 
lated that no government but an absolute one can promise 
anything. In free countries, the government of to-day con¬ 
tradicts the government of yesterday. This uncertainty you 
should have contemplated. To demand compensation be¬ 
cause your property is deteriorated by a just act, and one 
which you ought to have anticipated, is less reasonable than 
if a merchant should ask compensation of his government 
for the loss of his cargo by shipwreck.” 
The preceding question is ever and anon agitated in par¬ 
liament. The declaimers have here full scope for their dis¬ 
plays, while the interested shield themselves under the mask 
of caution, and, utterly unable to defend the principle of 
slavery, try to procrastinate its abolition. Amidst the long 
argumentations of either side, the question, however, lies in 
a nutshell.—Slavery is unjust. Slavery is also inexpedient, 
since it does not enrich the mass of the people. Ergo, it should 
be abolished. So slow, however, is the progress of moral im¬ 
provement, that one almost sickens at the dreary prospect. 
Even in America, which boasts so much her freedom, there 
are slaves; and this to her is perhaps a still greater disgrace 
than to England, since though the weakness and corruption of 
our government allows the demon of oppression to walk 
abroad in our colonies, the general sense of the people have 
banished it from our own shores, 
SLAVE COAST. See Guinea. 
SLAVE FALLS, a cataract of North America, iffWinni- 
peg river: 100 yards wide, and 20 feet high. Lat. 50. 6. 
N. long. 95. 20. W. 
SLAVE LAKE, a lake in the north-west part of North 
America. 
SLA'VEBORN, adj. Not inheriting liberty. 
This vain world—a noble stage, 
Where slave-born man plays to the scoffing stars. 
Drummond. 
SLA'VELIKE, adj. Becoming a slave. 
Why this spade ? this place ? 
This slavelike habit ? Shakspeare . 
SLAVENSK, a small town of the south of European 
Russia, in the government of Slobodsk-Ukraine; 98 miles 
east-north-east of Ekaterinoslav. In the neighbourhood are 
salt lakes and springs. 
SLA'VER, . 9 . [saliva, Lat., slcefe, Icel., glafoerion, 
Welsh.] Spittle running from the mouth; drivel. 
Of all mad creatures, if the learn’d are right, 
It is the slaver kills, and not the bite. Pope , 
To SLA'VER, v. n. To be smeared with spittle. 
Should I 
Slaver with lips, as common as the stairs 
That mount the capitol; join gripes with hands 
Made hard with hourly falsehood as with labour. 
Shakspeare. 
4 C To 
