SPAIN. 427 
became dissatisfied and restless under a state of things which 
doomed them to neglect and poverty. The inferior gentry, 
of which a great portion depend on court favour for places, 
saw, with dismay, that while the late reform had swept away 
many of the situations under government, such as remained 
were reserved for those only who had never wavered in their 
allegiance to monarchical despotism. The young men, 
lastly, of the middle classes, who, during the existence of the 
Cortes, had had a taste of the agreeable excitement of a 
popular system, could not brook the death-like apathy which 
followed the restoration. 
The malcontents, though numerous, and constantly aug¬ 
menting, would have found it difficult to communicate with 
each other, to calculate their strength, and direct it with skill, 
if the secret societies had not created among them something 
like the union and activity which, in free states, are the effects 
of a well regulated party. In spite of the Inquisition and 
its emissaries, the Comuneros held meetings in most of the 
head towns, and kept up an active correspondence among 
their lodges. Cadiz, whose political temper had been de¬ 
scribed already, was, it seems, the head-quarters of the con¬ 
spirators. They could not have fixed upon a more advan¬ 
tageous position; for, besides the opportunities which its 
numerous and changing garrison constantly afforded of 
tampering with the officers, some wealthy merchants of 
that place had devoted their fortunes to the restoration of 
liberty. 
Cadiz and its neighbourhood had been made the rendez¬ 
vous of the troops which, under the command of General 
Morillo, were ordered by Ferdinand’s government against 
the revolted provinces of South America. It being now 
agreed among the Liberals that the intended revolution 
should be effected by the army, the presence of a strong 
military division reluctantly engaging in a dangerous service 
beyond the seas, must have greatly raised their hopes and in¬ 
creased their activity. Morfilo’s loyalty was tried, and he 
seemed for a time to waver between the obvious duties of his 
station and the suspicious call of revolutionary patriotism; 
but ultimately embarked with his troops while the secret 
societies continued their labours. 
Gallicia was one of the provinces to, which the Cadiz 
patriots had extended their secret influence. Don Juan 
Diez Porlier, an officer who had distinguished himself against 
the French, was at this time confined, under suspicion of 
disaffection, to the castle of San Anton, near Corunna. His 
health being impaired after a year’s imprisonment, he 
obtained leave to proceed under an escort to a watering-place 
in the neighbourhood. The officer, to whom the prisoner 
was given in charge, was a member of the secret societies, in 
correspondence with the head lodge at Cadiz. He soon put 
Porlier in possession of the plans for a military insurrection 
which were then under discussion among the patriots, and 
earnestly urged him to strike the first blow in the province of 
Gallicia. Many officers in garrison at Corunna and Ferrol 
offered also their services to Porlier, who, miscalculating his 
means, and judging of public feeling from that which pre¬ 
vailed among his friends, was not long in accepting the 
dangerous command to which he was invited. Attended 
by the officer, whose duty it was to prevent his escape, and 
the twelve soldiers commanded by that officer, Porlier en¬ 
tered the city of Corunna, about midnight of the 18th of 
September, 1815, and was soon joined by most of the troops 
in that town. Supported by his associates, he arrested the 
governor and the principal supporters of the servile parly. 
The imprisoned Liberals were set free, and such proclama¬ 
tions as are usual on these occasions were posted about the 
town. The oath to the constitution of 1812 was repeated, 
and a detachment of 800 men was ordered to march on 
Ferrol, where the garrison, it was said, only awaited the pre¬ 
sence of Porlier to declare in favour of the constitutional 
system. But the royalist party had been actively employed 
in fhat town since the arrival of the news from Corunna. 
Emissaries were sent to mix with Porlier’s troops on their 
march. They found him with his detachment at the village 
of O’rdenes, where the troops were to pass the night. The 
non-commissioned officers were soon gained over, and the 
men yielded to the first suggestion of making their peace 
with the king’s government by the seizure of their leader. 
Porlier and some of his officers were at supper when the 
soldiers surrounded the house. The officers, it should seem, 
were able to escape ; but the General, being obliged to sur¬ 
render, was executed at Corunna, on the 3d of October. 
Porlier met his fate with the dignity and composure of a man 
who feels conscious of the justice of his cause and the purity 
of his intentions. Had that unhappy officer possessed means 
to keep his ground till Cadiz, Barcelona, Valencia and Za¬ 
ragoza, had declared themselves, the revolution would have 
been complete, as it happened at a subsequent period. 
Our limits do not permit us to mention the numerous con¬ 
spiracies which were discovered and quelled after the death 
of Porlier. But we cannot omit a brief account of the 
unfortunate attempt made by General Lacy, in Catalonia, 
where, during the latter part of the war against France, he 
had commanded the Spanish army against the invaders. 
As a reward for his services, Lacy had been appointed Cap¬ 
tain-General of Gallicia; but being suspected by Ferdinand’s 
government, he was removed to Catalonia, and confined 
within the limits of a certain district. In the spring of 1817, 
Lacy obtained leave to visit the mineral waters of Caldetes, 
near Barcelona. He there met with several discontented 
officers, with whom he planned an insurrection. It was ex¬ 
pected, that all the garrisons of Catalonia would mutiny on 
the 5th of April, a day on which Lacy was to raise the 
standard of rebellion by the assistance of the regiment of 
Tarragona, which was stationed at a short distance. Two 
companies had been gained over by the lieutenant-colonel, 
when the whole plan was disclosed to the colonel by two 
subalterns in Lacy’s confidence. The colonel appealed to 
the loyalty of the yet undebauched part of the regiment, and 
he was answered by a display of zeal in the royal cause. 
The two revolted companies joined Lacy, who, perceiving 
no other movements in his favour, began a march to Mataro, 
proposing to raise the peasantry, or to escape into France if 
he failed of support. The peasants appearing everywhere 
either hostile or indifferent, the soldiers were disheartened, 
and fell off to a man. Lacy took shelter in a cottage ; but 
was soon betrayed and taken. It was not deemed safe by 
the government to execute the sentence of death which a 
court-martial pronounced against him, within the walls of 
Barcelona, where a strong feeling of compassion had shown 
itself towards the unfortunate general. It was, therefore, re¬ 
ported, that the king had commuted the sentence into that 
of imprisonment for life in the fortress of Majorca. Lacy’s 
removal took place under that impression. He was cruelly 
undeceived, on his arrival, and desired to prepare for death 
within a few hours. Lacy was shot in the ditch of the castle 
at five o’clock in the morning of the 4th of July, 1817. 
From the character of these attempts, and the temper ma¬ 
nifested by the bulk of the people, a dispassionate observer 
will readily adopt the conclusion, that the endeavours of the 
patriots depended for success on some happy combination 
of circumstances, which, by ouce disconcerting the weak 
government of Ferdinand, and making him yield even for 
a moment, would give an impulse to that impassive mass 
who had hitherto beheld the contest unwilling, to share its 
dangers. For it is clear, that a great majority of the nation, 
though determined not to make or modify a government for 
themselves, would readily submit to any political system 
which might happen to obtain the ascendancy. The chances 
were, therefore, in favour of the active party, who, though 
so often defeated, had still sufficient courage and perseverance 
to renew their attacks on a dull enemy, who adhered, from 
ignorance and weakness, to a plan of defensive warfare. 
It was not long before the erroneous policy of the court 
of Madrid, in regard to the revolted colonies, presented to its 
enemies at home the means of re-establishing the constitution, 
and making their party paramount in the state. Instead of 
paying the arrears or the army, the only body of men which 
could effect a revolution, the blind obstinacy of Ferdinand 
and his advisers employed all the money they had been able 
to 
