100 
THE CULTIVATOR. 
■which are certainly in a great measure attainable, 1 if the inquiries re¬ 
garding them were prosecuted with vigor, and if no expense were 
spared in collecting facts, and ascertaining, by careful experiments, 
the means by which Such frightful losses might be prevented. 
VALUABLE PROPERTIES OF CALCAREOUS SAND. 
A curious example of a general practice of adding mineral matter to 
a soil, without the smallest conception, on the part of those who do so, 
of what they add, is to be found in the northwestern portions of De¬ 
vonshire. The rock of the district is grauwacke, composed of com¬ 
pact acenaceous beds mixed with slate, in the greater part of which 
there is no carbonate of lime, while silica and alumina are abundant. 
The district generally is far from fertile, and makes little retnrn to 
the farmer. Now it is the general practice in that country to bring 
sand from the sea-coast, often many miles distant, to mix with the soil, 
by which the productiveness of the latter is increased. It is also the 
general belief, that the sand benefits the soil, by loosening it, though 
the farmers are aware that the same quantity of other kinds of sand, 
which may also be obtained on the coast, will not produce the same 
good effects. The fact is, that the sand brought chiefly, and sometimes 
almost entirely, consists of carbonate of lime, being the triturated frag¬ 
ments of sea-shells, thrown on shore by the breakers; and thus the 
farmers add, without being aware of it, a mineral substance to the 
land in which it was deficient, and which it required to render it some¬ 
what fertile .—Geology applied to Agriculture. 
Young Men's Department. 
WONDERFUL EFFECTS OF CULTURE. 
Many plants that are highly nutritious and useful, under culture, 
are useless, and even poisonous, when growing in their natural state. 
The apple is the improvement which culture has produced upon the 
wild acerb crab. The uncultivated peach is said to be poisonous in 
some parts of Asia. The cabbage is believed to have sprung from the 
worthless colewort. The potato is but a small bitter root in its natu¬ 
ral condition in the wilds of Chili. Most of the plants which furnish 
food to man, are multiplied in their products, and greatly improved in 
their quality, when subjected to culture. Every year brings to our no¬ 
tice some species, hitherto useless, which human industry is rendering 
subservient to our wants. Providence has bountifully supplied us with 
the materials necessary to our condition, if we will but prepare them 
for our use. Industry and perseverance are assured of their reward; 
and indolence may be sure of meeting the penalty incident to the diso- 
beyance of a reasonable command. 
What a beautiful lesson do these facts teach to the young. The 
wild uncultured mind, is like the wild crab, wild potato, or colewort 
—a comparatively useless or noxious cumbrance in society. And yet, 
if brought under suitable culture, how useful—useful to its possessor, 
and useful, like the plants we have spoken of, to the family of man. 
The ignorant, selfish being, who lives but for himself, may, like the 
fire-fly, emit a transient light, and is forgotten. He never realizes the 
sublime pleasures that are purchased by knowledge, and efforts to do 
good. While the learned industrious man, appreciating the high du¬ 
ties he owes to society, and actuated by an ardent desire to fulfil them, 
confers blessings on his species, and, living or dead, is the theme of 
gratitude and praise. 
Untiring vigilance, is the tenure upon which nations can long enjoy the 
blessings of civil liberty. This is confirmed by all history, and by the events 
of our own times. The necessity of exercising this vigilance now, by those 
who are charged with the safe keeping of our civil freedom—the yeomanry 
of our country—and the importance of instruciing the young in a knowledge 
of their rights and duties, are very forcibly illustrated in the following ex¬ 
tract, which we make from the 4th of July Oration of the Rev. Mr. Kirk. 
The middle classes are emphatically the guardians of our freedom. 
What is a republican government? It is an instrument admirably 
connived for the promotion of human happiness. But an instrument 
always implies an agent; and a good instrument loses its value by 
being in bad hands. What is there, for instance, in our admirable ju¬ 
diciary system, if our judges become corrupt ? What is the value of 
trial by jury, if juries are composed of men who disregard the sanc¬ 
tions of an oath, or if our court-rooms are to become the scene of popu¬ 
lar clamor and brow-beating ? What is the right of speech and opinion, 
or the freedom of the press, if mobs are to become legislature, judici¬ 
ary and executive, and to be secretly sanctioned by men who ought to 
be ashamed, and are ashamed of their connexion with them ; if men 
who stand high, and cry, ‘‘the constitution, the constitution,” with 
this stab in its vital parts ? What is the elective franchise, and the 
universal right of suffrage, if the greater part of the people had either 
not intelligence enough to judge the merits of candidates, or patriotism 
and virtue enough to resist the bribes of demagogues? They are only 
the stake for which the more skilful play the game of intrigue, fraud 
and falsehood. They only tend to bring into office men who will pan¬ 
der to their vices and confirm their blindness and prejudices, to secure 
their support. Let me repeat it—you are possessed of the most perfect 
political institutions that man ever enjoyed—institutions, under whose 
influence may be trained the noblest people the earth has ever sustain¬ 
ed. But there is no magic in these institutions. They are, after all, dead 
instruments. Like the best tempered sword—useless in unskilful hands 
—mighty when wielded by the valiant hand of the trained. There are two 
elements of national greatness: a good constitution is the first—a people 
who will use it aright, is the other. The one was consummated by the la¬ 
bors of our fathers, vindicated by their swords, and bequeathed to their 
posterity, a monument of the highest human glory. But have we now, 
and shall we have hereafter, the second element of political elevation ? 
This appears to me the subject of deepest interest to this nation—the for¬ 
mation of a national character. In that we shall, doubtless, unanimously 
agree. Whether we shall also a gree as to the features of that character, 
and the means of forming it, remains to be seen. There are certain great 
principles which must be established, and adopted, and practised by 
this whole country, to secure the perpetuity of our government. 1 shall 
frankly state my own views, without forcing them improperly upon 
others, satisfied with the privilege of suggesting them to such an assem¬ 
bly, and on such an occasion. 
A numerical majority determines every thing in this country. If that 
majority are capable of exercising proper vigilance, and if they are pa¬ 
triotic enough to exercise it, and to see that the constitution and laws 
are rightly administered, the most sanguine need ask no more. But if 
the bare numerical majority who can swear citizenship, are sunk ei¬ 
ther in intelligence or virtue too low for this, we are wrecked—inevi¬ 
tably lost—the day-star of hope sets in the east—the cause of human 
freedom is sold into the hands of some despot—and he, the worst of 
despots, a republican king, who will kindly take the crown at the ur¬ 
gent hands of the people, who confess that they cannot govern them¬ 
selves. Probably few have held this fact vividly before their minds— 
no matter who may now fill your offices; your judges may each be a 
Mansfield or a Marshall; your president a Yan Buren or a Harrison; 
your present legislators like the congress of ’76; it all furnishes no se¬ 
curity, if a bare majority of votes can be found, who will sacrifice our 
coutry for the bribes or the entreaties of the basest demagogues. With 
this fact vividly in view, let us look at another. We have made a bold 
experiment. Our arms are opened to the world. We have said to its 
every inhabitant—no matter what your views of liberty, and govern¬ 
ment, and duty ; only come among us and become a citizen. It mat¬ 
ters not though you have no interest in the soil, nor any other local in¬ 
terest ; no family, no property, no feelings in common with us; though 
you be a refugee from justice; nay, though you have just eluded the 
hands of the executioner. It matters not what are your moral'princi- 
ples; what your connexion with foreign institutions; nor what your 
secret commission from them; come in among us, and you shall have 
an equal voice in determining the political destiny of this country. 
Your vote may affect the property and business of the country most 
seriously, and though you have neither property nor business, your 
vote shall go as far as that of the most deeply interested in property 
and trade. Nay, we go farther. We say to the despots of the conti¬ 
nent, organize your measures and transport your men, no matter who, 
nor what they are; empty your prisons and poor-houses, and swear 
every minion upon your altar ; bind his heart and conscience to your 
own cherished tyranny, and then send him here; and he shall scarce¬ 
ly have landed, before we will seat him in the places of political power, 
by giving him as much control of the government, through the ballot- 
box, as our best and most enlightened have. 
Now understand me, fellow-citizens-; I am not complaining; for I 
never shrink from carrying out my principles to their legitimate extent. 
I am a true republican, and know no way to be one, but by admitting 
universal suffrage ; and requiring of a man nothing but the act of na¬ 
turalization to constitute him a voter. Yet I say it is a bold experi¬ 
ment. It is fraught with dangers, and those dangers ought to be sur¬ 
veyed with an anxious eye. The majority, in this conntry, must be 
made and kept sufficiently intelligent and virtuous to preserve republi¬ 
can institutions. If they are not men of principle, they will not require 
their rulers to be such. If not well instructed, they are incompetent 
to judge the conduct of their rulers. Now, what shall we do to secure 
this great end ? How can we guard our country and its beloved insti¬ 
tutions from those very dangers which are incidental to their peculiar 
excellence ? Perhaps some regard all this as a display of exceeding 
sensitiveness, discovering danger where none exists. * * * * * There 
yet may arise great difficulties from the conflicting constructions of the 
constitution, in reference to the several limits of the powers of the three 
great branches of government, legislature, judiciary and executive. 
There is danger from the fact, that the chief magistrate can be re-elect¬ 
ed, while his power over the funds and offices of government, and over 
congressional bills is all but absolute. This feature of our constitu¬ 
tion may yet shake this government to its foundation. But I am not 
competent to expatiate upon most of these, so as fully to show you 
