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XXIII International Congress of Americanists 
walls were unsystematic and of nneqnal thickness. There were no external, first- 
story doors in this earlier building; its lower roofs were reached by means of 
ladders which could be withdrawn in case of attack. Within the terraced struc¬ 
ture, however, the rooms connected one with the other. Additions necessitated 
by the normal growth of population resulted in a house cluster of marked 
irregularity. 
When the second group of people came to dwell in Pueblo Bonito they 
erected, among others, a single tier of houses that partially enclosed the old 
village and screened its eccentric rear wall. Compared with those they adjoined, 
these newer dwellings were surprisingly uniform both in shape and size. They 
stand on a level from four to six feet above that of the older buildings. Besides 
openings into the adjacent chambers, each room—even those of the second and 
third stories—was provided with an external door, but these w 7 ere later blocked 
and plastered over. Willows, smoothed with infinite patience, rested on selected 
pine poles to form the ceilings of these houses, in contrast to the brush and 
gnarled timbers utilized in the earlier chambers. 
With introduction of the third masonry type, Pueblo Bonito witnessed a 
period of comprehensive reconstructional activity. The larger proportion of 
rooms erected by the second group upon their arrival were demolished and re¬ 
placed; the plaza where public ceremonials were performed was enlarged and 
divided. All the extramural developments associated with the community— 
walls enclosing the two great refuse mounds; foundations to support the de¬ 
tached cliff that threatened to topple upon the village, etc.—contain masonry 
characteristic of this epoch. The settlement expanded both to the east and west; 
dwellings were razed with apparent disregard for the human labor involved in 
their construction or replacement. It seems quite reasonable to suppose that 
the Bonitians at this time were experiencing their maximum of power and in¬ 
fluence. Macaws (Ara macao ) from the lowlands of Mexico and shells from the 
California coast were brought by Indian traders on foot and exchanged for the 
turquoise of Pueblo Bonito. But throughout this period of local development 
and far-flung commerce, the old conservative group continued to live in their 
corner of the great communal settlement, almost wholly uninfluenced by the 
superior arts and industries of their immediate neighbors. Even after the sec¬ 
ond group withdrew from the village and moved elsewhere the original Bonitians 
tarried for a time in their primitive homes, pursuing their daily tasks in the 
manner to which they had long grown accustomed. 
The fourth, and final, method of stonework is largely restricted to the 
southeastern quarter of the pueblo. But this last addition represents a com¬ 
promise between dominant personalities in the community. Plans for a con¬ 
siderable addition to Pueblo Bonito were well under way w T hen these plans were 
abandoned for some reason unknown to us and the fourth section substituted. 
Foundations for this contemplated addition had been extended to a point 500 
feet beyond the easternmost wall of the village. Excavation reveals the inter¬ 
esting fact that this abandoned foundation series generally abuts walls of third 
type construction and immediately underlies those of the final period. 
Except in that portion built and occupied by the original inhabitants, evi¬ 
dence of successive alterations is to be found throughout the settlement. Walls 
