80 
THE PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE WITH AUXILIARY VERBS. 
and 75; but I think that the scarcity of examples in the poetry has misled 
these gentlemen, and that the construction will hardly be questioned by any 
one after reading the complete statistics thereof given below. It is difficult 
to discover the view of Dr. Wiilfing and of Dr. Farrar: the former, l. c., II, pp. 
209-210, gives one example of the inflected infinitive after willan 1 and agan 
each, but calls it objective; the latter nowhere differentiates the complemen¬ 
tary and the objective uses of the inflected infinitive. 
As to the position of the uninflected infinitive with auxiliary verbs, my 
observation tallies with that of Dr. Riggert, who, l. c., p. 10, declares: “ Der 
Infinitiv pflegt im Hauptsatze dem Hilfsverb zu folgen, im Nebensatze ihm 
voranzustehen. Zwar ist die Regel nicht streng durchgefiihrt, jedoch sind die 
Abweichungen vielleicht des ofteren aus metrischen Rticksichten zu erklaren.” 
The inflected infinitive follows the auxiliary except in a very few instances 
( Laws 396 and 400, quoted below under agan, p. 81; Bened. 135.11, quoted 
under durran , p. 82). 
Whether uninflected or inflected, the predicative infinitive that is active 
in form is active in sense. 
The following are typical examples of the uninflected infinitive with auxil¬ 
iary verbs:— 
agan, owe, ought: 
Wulf. 294.26 b : ac man ah cyrican and haligdom to secanne and bser hine 
georne inne to gebiddanne and mid eadmodnysse hlystan. 
cunnan, know, can: 
Beow. 2372: he . . . ebelstolas healdan cu&e .— Ih. 91: se be cude frum- 
sceaft fira feorran reccan. 
dear(r), dare: 
Beow. 528: gif bu Grendles dearst nihtlongne fyrst nean bidan. — lb. 684 b : 
gif he gesecan dear wig ofer wsepen. 
magan, can, may: 
Beow. 2954, 2955: bset he ssemannum onsacan mihte, heabolibendum hord 
forstandan. 
mot, may, must: 
Beow. 1939, 1940: bset hit sceadenmsel scyran moste, cwealmbealu cy&an. 
sculan, owe, shall: 
Beow. 1464: bset hit ellenweorc cefnan scolde. — lb. 3078: Oft sceall eorl 
. . . wrsec adreogan. 
burfan, need: 
Beow. 2874: nealles folccyning fyrdgesteallum gylpan Sorfte. — lb. 446 a : 
Na bu minne Searft hafalan hydan. 
willan, desire, will: 
Beow. 2148,2149: mabmas . . . baicbe . . . bringanwylle, estum geywan. 
Below I cite, in alphabetic sequence of the auxiliaries, all the examples of 
the complementary inflected infinitive that I have observed: — 
agan (nagan), owe (not), ought (not): 
Chron. 206*, 1070 A a : he . . . ssede bset he hit nahte to donne. — 76. 216 m , 
1 Boeth. 110.29, but the text used by me, Sedgefield’s, has here wilnaS. 
